Archive
Hi, person on the interwebs who discovered this page, presumably in a series of very random events. Whether this occurrence was of a fortunate nature is for you to decide, of course. Since you might be undecided on this subject, why don't you have a look around and discover if anything is of interest to you. Welcome to my personal archive! Enjoy.
Creative Essays
Freedom
This essay contains a fictional story about a girl growing up in West Berlin. It deals with concepts of freedom coined by feminist political theory. This was an assignment for a class I took at the University of Alabama, called "Freedom Beyond Rights". The assignment included the task of imitating the writing style of Wayward Lives, Beautiful Experiments: Intimate Histories of Riotous Black Girls, Troublesome Women and Queer Radicals by Saidiya Hartman.
Research Essays and Response Papers
The Reversal of Gender Roles and Childbirth in Octavia E. Butler’s “Bloodchild”
I wrote this for the class "'Bad' Mothers in American Literature " at the University of Mannheim in 2021. It is a response paper to Octavia E. Butler's renowned science fiction short story "Bloodchild"
The Freest Form of Freedom is Offered in its Plurality
I wrote this for the class "Freedom Beyond Rights" at the University of Alabama in 2022. It deals with a theory on freedom by Sharon Krause.
How “Strange Fruit” by Billie Holiday exemplifies the power of music and its connection to freedom
I also wrote this for the class "Freedom Beyond Rights" at the University of Alabama in 2022. It deals with the legacy of the blues and its connection to Black freedom.
How Trump's Denial of Racism Could Lead to Lasting Change
This is a response paper to the article "The End of Denial" by Ibram X. Kendi I wrote for the class "Black Lives Kinda Matter" at the University of Alabama.
A Proposal of Policies for the Biden-Harris Administration to Overcome Structural Racism
This is a response paper to the article "Fighting for America’s Paradise: The Struggle against Structural Racism" by R. R. Hardeman et. al. I wrote for the class "Black Lives Kinda Matter" at the University of Alabama.
Research Essays and Response Papers
Why Implementing Multicultural Education is Crucial for the Identity Development of Black Students
This is a response paper to the article "Black Fish in a White Pond" by Lisa A. Jones I wrote for the class "Black Lives Kinda Matter" at the University of Alabama.
Harry Potter vs. Hogwarts Legacy – Can a video game adaptation overcome the original text’s controversies?
This is an essay I wrote for a class in Video Games Studies during my Master's at the FU Berlin. It attempts to analyze how interactivity affects controversial aspects of narrative using Hogwarts Legacy and the Wizarding World as a case study.
How Bridgerton's Season Two Subverts the Patriarchal Mother/Whore Dichotomy
This is an essay I wrote for an advanced essay writing class during my Bachelor's at the University of Mannheim. It analyzes the Mother/Whore binary using Viscount Anthony Bridgerton and his character arc in season two of the Netflix series as a case study.
Why is Surrogacy such a Contentious Issue?
This is an essay I wrote for an advanced essay writing class during my Bachelor's at the University of Mannheim. It investigates the ethics of surrogacy, while functioning more like an opinion piece.
Bachelor's Thesis 2024
This is my Bachelor's Thesis, for which I've received an A- (1,3) in American Studies at the University of Mannheim. I have connected and analyzed the socio-economic themes of neoliberalism and feminism in the context of the concept of freedom with the novel and BookTok phenomenon The Seven Husbands of Evelyn Hugo by Taylor Jenkins Reid. While the writing process was exhausting, I enjoyed learning more about these different concepts. I still benefit a lot from the knowledge I acquired throughout this process.
Research Paper
This is the final product of a literature seminar, which dealt mainly with contemporary American literature & film.
Research Paper
This is the term paper of a literature seminar called "'Bad' Mothers in American Literature", which mainly dealt with the depiction of motherhood and different versions of the role (Black motherhood, Trans motherhood, Teenage motherhood etc.).
Fighting for freedom as an adolescent in East Berlin, 1989
She was imagining what it must feel like. Truly speaking your mind. Without the casual looks left and right. The constant fear of being watched, being observed, being listened to. When she was growing up, her mother reminded her of what it could cost. Speaking your truth. It scared her so much; she bit her tongue ever since. Regardless of how much she despised it, the fear was much stronger. But she dreamed of a different place, every night. Every night she imagined herself in western Germany, free, saying everything that occupied her mind at that moment, friends laughing, no one listening in with ulterior motives
Her name was Hanna Klemm. She was 16 years old – a stage in her life where freedom should be more within reach than ever. But the reality was that she was living in East Berlin. The year was 1989. True freedom remained on the other side of the Berlin wall. Just enough out of reach. To her, the fact that she could see freedom from the highest building but was never able to cross over felt like an even more perverse kind of torture. The longing for freedom felt like an unbearable burden most of the time. But regardless she tried to find it.
Around the time when she started to feel the hormones raging through her body, she became friends with the cemetery caretaker’s son, Holger. They lived in a house on the cemetery grounds. Private. Secluded. Perfect for unfitting, forbidden conversations; actions that would be considered immoral – vicious even; and love, laughter, and that kind of friendship born out of desperation. The kind that binds you together. In her mind it was glorious. Although she imagined herself to be somewhere else, still, she absorbed it, devoured it – like a primal animal that was finally able to feed after months – even years – of starvation. That’s exactly how it felt. Being starved, constantly feeling the chains around your neck, keeping you from crossing the line – any line that they drew. They. She loathed them. She loathed what they stood for, what they upheld. She loathed the whole system. When she didn’t dream about the life she could have, on the other side of the wall, she dreamed of burning it all to the ground. Everything, until there was nothing - and eventually flowers would bloom again. Taking back the burned soil, building something new. Something better, maybe even better than what was on the other side. She knew it was a pipe dream. Fleeing would’ve been easier and that was basically impossible since they built the death zone. Another dream of hers. Running as long as her feet would carry her until they detected her, and she would finally be free. But she loved life too much for taking that risk, as enticing as it may have seemed to her sometimes. So, when she befriended Holger and went to his gatherings, freedom finally seemed within reach. She could feel it, dancing around her, seducing her, mocking her even. She did not mind, though. It was like a drug, and she was an addict, ever since her mother gave her that lesson. All these years in silence. Of course, she was bound to explode sometime and although she was raised to believe in the system and the party, she believed it was the plan of some higher power, that it happened in that house, on that cemetery – surrounded by likeminded people that encouraged her thoughts instead of imprisoning them.
The more time she spent with her friends, the more she wanted to speak up. One morning, when the urge was finally about to overtake her, she was sitting in the school cafeteria. And the decision was made for her. In eastern Germany, like in any de facto dictatorship, certain media was forbidden. Especially books and songs from western Germany, that could evoke feelings of resistance or revolution against the regime. So, when she was sitting there, thinking about what to do with all her rage, Holger suddenly got up on his chair. The cafeteria went dead silent. When he had everyone’s attention, he started singing “Major Tom”. A popular and very forbidden song about floating weightlessly through space. A song that evokes feelings of freedom and hope – and it spread like a wildfire through the cafeteria. In a matter of seconds everyone joined in, including Hanna who couldn’t remember a time when she felt so connected to her schoolmates. At this moment freedom was offered through shared longing and shared pain. However, it didn’t last long. Holger was violently removed from his chair, by some passionate socialist teachers and dragged out of the cafeteria[1]. All students were forced to go home. The cafeteria was silent again, but this time the silence was disturbing.
A week later Holger returned to school. Hanna had overheard some whispered conversations here and there, about what had happened. Apparently, Holger and his family were taken in by the Stasi right after the incident. No one really knew what had happened in the state building – there were only whispers. However, everyone knew that they were only released after 5 days. Holger had visible bruises and the whole family looked like they hadn’t slept. The most disturbing thing for Hanna was something else, though. When she finally had the chance to look into Holger’s eyes, she could see nothing but resignation. His eyes looked dead. After this, he never spoke up again. They had finally broken him. And Hanna realized, that while she might find freedom in choosing to speak up, her freedom could just as easily be restricted again by outside forces – by them – and she was unable to do anything about it[2]. She wondered if true freedom was something she could even achieve in her lifetime.
What Hanna Klemm didn’t know at the time was that she would find true freedom the same year. Fall went by as quickly as summer did, and suddenly the days were cold, dark, and snowy. She didn’t mind as it fit her mood a lot better. Had she not ignored the news and the secret political conversations of her parents for the last months, she would have known that there was something in the air. Change was coming, but no one was sure enough of it to fully give in to the hope just yet. Hanna only became aware of this a week prior to the event that would finally offer her the freedom she craved so desperately. And she probably would not have taken it seriously, hadn’t it been for Holger’s facial expression when he told her. The revolutionary glow had returned to his eyes. The system was collapsing, he said. There had been rumors, that Gorbachev was close to lifting all and any travel restrictions. The hope on his face was contagious. Despite that, Hanna’s skepticism stayed. It felt too good to be true, and she had been disappointed by the promise of freedom time and time again, so she told herself to wait and see.
On the evening of November 9, 1989, the wall fell. It started with one simple statement, made carelessly, but with the effect of an atomic bomb. “All travel restrictions will be lifted, as defined by our new travel laws.” – “When do these laws go into effect?” – “As far as I know…right this second.” Mr. Schabowski, the press secretary of the German Democratic Republic, couldn’t have known what he set into motion. In a matter of hours, thousands of citizens on both sides of the wall marched towards the border that had separated them for 28 years, Hanna amongst them. The whole day her family had sat in front of the TV, praying for good news. It took them a couple of minutes to fully understand what they had just heard: they were finally free to leave if they wanted to. No more de facto imprisonment, no more fear. And the best thing was if the GDR would cease to exist – which was entirely possible now – they could come back home. Even better, home could finally be the entirety of Berlin, not just half of it.
Hanna and Holger jumped into each other’s arms on the street. Her parents had tried to persuade her to stay home with them, but she had refused. The adrenalin was pushing her toward the crowds of people like a magnet. Holger brought some of their friends and together they joined the masses. Suddenly, everyone stopped moving. Someone yelled at the guards to open the border. It would take them another two hours to finally give in. No one had informed the soldiers, leaving them without a command. Thankfully, none of them chose violence. Within these two hours, Hanna strangely never lost hope. Being surrounded by thousands of her people, all fighting for the same thing made her feel more hopeful than ever before. “We are the people” filled the night, as they waited. Suddenly, there was movement and Hanna would never be able to recount how exactly it happened – but there she was, standing on top of the Berlin Wall. Screaming, crying, and laughing all at the same time. 30 years later, she would insist that she never felt freer than on this night.
Hannah Klemm and her family moved to west Berlin. She had the chance to go to college and became a communications manager for a big company. Throughout the next 30 years, she traveled to 90 countries, got married twice, and had two children. Every dinner was dominated by heated political discussions. She had stopped to care if the neighbors could hear them years ago. Holger had moved to Spain three years after the wall fell and had never returned. They had stayed in contact, though, and she knew he was happy. All of them had been given the chance to pursue freedom in their own way – and more or less, everyone had succeeded.
[1] Krause, Sharon R. - “Agency extends beyond the internal faculties of the person to include intersubjective exchanges, which makes other people integral to the agency of the individual.” (2)
[2] Krause, Sharon R. “Non-sovereign Agency.”
Works Cited
Krause, Sharon R. “Non-sovereign Agency.” Freedom beyond Sovereignty: Reconstructing Liberal Individualism, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2015.
The Reversal of Gender Roles and Childbirth in Octavia E. Butler’s “Bloodchild”
“I had never known a Terran to see a birth and take it well.” (Butler, “Bloodchild” 28)
Octavia E. Butler’s “Bloodchild” is a science-fiction short story set on another planet, that functions as a commentary on our society. It’s depiction of different power dynamics and a system of oppression, but also co-dependency, works as a basis for various different interpretations. A lot of authors and journalists have drawn parallels to slavery and other oppressive systems. While this is the most obvious interpretation, these power dynamics can also be applied to a feminist read.
In Bloodchild, Terran (human) and Tlic (alien, insect-like species) share a planet, that originally belonged solely to the Tlic. In the society they formed, the Tlic are in a position of physical and political power, from which they regulate most of the Terrans’ daily lives and use their bodies for reproduction. Butler creates these power dynamics to comment on traditional gender roles in our society, that are a result of the (outdated) gender binary. By reversing these roles and using a setting that is unfamiliar to humans, she forces the reader to let go of one’s preconceptions about gender roles and human childbirth.
The story focuses on the life of Gan, his Terran family and their relationship to T’Gatoi, a female Tlic. T’Gatoi is a politician and the leader of the so-called Preserve, a place in which Terrans can live peacefully and safely, but not autonomous, if they agree to have one male family member “birth” Tlic children. This social contract is a necessity, because – even though they are on top of the food chain – the Tlic are dependent on the Terrans and vice versa.
On the one hand, the Tlic need the Terrans to reproduce, because their body temperature is ideal for the incubation of Tlic eggs, hence their children. On the other hand, the Terrans need the Tlic from the Preserve as protection from “hordes” of desperate Tlics waiting outside, trying to consume them.
T’Gatoi, although female, serves as a representation of traditional masculinity. She is physically superior to the Terrans, being ten feet tall and significantly stronger. This is especially noticeable, when she knocks Gan across the room, after he tries to contradict her (Butler 11). Her strength and superiority become particularly clear in the following scene:
T’Gatoi whipped her three meters of body off her couch, toward the door, and out at full speed. She had bones—ribs, a long spine, a skull, four sets of limb bones per segment. But when she moved that way, twisting, hurling herself into controlled falls, landing running, she seemed not only boneless, but aquatic—something swimming through the air as though it were water. (Butler 9)
T’Gatoi also never asks for anything and only gives commands, even inside Gan’s family’s house (Butler 09-11). These characteristics show her decisive superiority and are features that are usually ascribed to the traditional male role. Besides these attributes, she is a successful and powerful leader in politics and society. This functions as an obvious display of the predominance and responsibility that is primarily bestowed on men in patriarchal societies.
Gan, who is the designated “father” of T’Gatoi’s children and therefore male, is a representation of traditional femininity. He is clearly not equal to T’Gatoi, if not inferior, and completely surrenders to her power. Initially, that is a subconscious decision, because he internalized the societal power structures he is subjected to. This can be compared to the internalized misogyny a lot of woman possess, due to their upbringing in a patriarchal system.
But with the story moving along, Gan becomes more and more aware of his situation. He first begins to understand the inferiority of his species, when he has to watch a “birth” of Tlic children go sideways, because the “delivery” is neither humanitarian, nor is the life of the host - the Terran - a priority (Butler 10-17).
Since male Terrans basically serve as walking incubators for the implanted Tlic eggs, and the Tlic are facing extinction if they do not reproduce as much as possible, the lives of their children are far more valuable to them. With that and childbearing being forced on male Terrans, this functions again as an obvious parallel to arranged marriages and overall reproduction in traditional relationships. Women are expected to have children (by patriarchal systems and their partner), but men are also dependent on women to reproduce.
Butler herself has said, that “Bloodchild is [her] pregnant man story” (30). By reversing the roles again, and making the childbearing non-consensual, the “child” can be perceived as a parasite, just like it can be with unwanted pregnancies. The reader is supposed to get a sense for the feeling an unwanted pregnancy can convey and why control over your body and its reproductive system should always be a given.
Butler also removes the romance from reproduction, by depicting childbirth itself as a horrific incident, in which the parasites start to eat their way out of their “fathers” body. The hosts have to be cut open, to extract the “children” from their bodies and to keep them from completely consuming their “fathers” (Butler 10-17). Gan describes it as following:
I had been told all my life that this was a good and necessary thing the Tlic and Terran did together—a kind of birth. I had believed it until now. I knew birth was painful and bloody, no matter what. But this was something else, something worse. And I wasn’t ready to see it. Maybe I never would be. (Butler 16-17)
The description of childbirth in Bloodchild, although significantly more horrendous, is comparable to a cesarean section in our society. By depicting the birth as appalling and unfiltered as she did, Butler forces the reader to see childbirth in itself from an entirely new perspective, without being biased by emotions or romance.
After Gan is forced to observe this “birth”, that will ultimately also happen to him, he reaches a state of awareness about the oppressive system he lives in. Gan even talks to T’Gatoi about it, stating that “[he] doesn’t want to be [her] host animal” (Butler 24). However, he still makes the decision to surrender to T’Gatoi’s power and command, consciously this time. Gan might be aware of his inferiority, but he is also not oblivious of the co-dependent, almost symbiotic system the Terrans share with the Tlic. In addition to that, while T’Gatoi might be superior, she is also a member of his family. She is someone Gan grew up with, who he adores, looks up to and feels protected by. In the end he comes to the conclusion, that he wants to be impregnated with T’Gatoi’s eggs. Not only because, if he doesn’t do it someone from his family has to, but also because he wants to do it for her (Butler 25-29).
Nevertheless, Gan doesn’t consent to the implantation, without taking some of the power back. During the “birth” he has to observe and assist, he uses a rifle to kill an animal, that is supposed to serve as a new host for the parasites (Butler 12). However, Terrans are not allowed to own guns, because the Tlic are afraid of their power of destruction. After the procedure T’Gatoi wants to take the illegal weapon with her, but Gan refuses to concede:
“Leave it for the family. One of them might use it to save my life someday.” She grasped the rifle barrel, but I wouldn’t let go. I was pulled into a standing position over her. “Leave it here!” I repeated. “If we’re not your animals, if these are adult things, accept the risk. There is risk, Gatoi, in dealing with a partner.” (Butler 26)
Eventually, T’Gatoi complies. By standing his ground and reminding her, that she is also dependent on him, Gan forces a shift in their power dynamic. Ending the story, with a symbiotic, co-dependent relationship that still has a power disparity. This state of their relationship is probably the most similar to the power dynamics in modern heterosexual relationships with traditional gender roles. Both parties have to trust each other and are co-dependent, but men still hold more power than women, especially in society.
Works Cited
Butler, Octavia E. “Bloodchild.” Bloodchild and Other Stories. 2nd ed., New York: Seven Stories Press, 2005. 3-32. Print.
Homstad, Levi. "Bloodchild Themes: Gender and Power." LitCharts.LitCharts LLC, 28 Mar 2019. Web. 25 Apr 2021.
The freest form of freedom is offered in its plurality
“Freedom is being you without anyone’s permission” - Anonymous
“Freedom is never free” – Maya Angelou
Abovementioned are two quotes, two declarations on the meaning of freedom. While most people would only agree with the former statement instantly, I will argue that both hold some truth. Since the term freedom does not even come close to accurately capturing the meaning of it, the meaning itself has been reduced in its complexity. While the freedom to express oneself freely is a part of the concept of freedom, it ignores other forms entirely. Although Maya Angelou presumably wanted to hint at the cost of acquiring freedom, she unintentionally summarized Sharon R. Krause’s hypotheses on the plurality of the concept and her key argument - that freedom is always an incomplete matter. My understanding of freedom evaluated in the context of Krause’s theses on plural freedom is based on two key assumptions: while true freedom can never be fully achieved, the theory presents an idea of political freedom that is the most extensive because it differentiates between freedom as non-interference, non-oppression, non-domination, and collective world-making (Krause 5). I argue that this plural understanding of freedom allows for humankind to feel freedom in its freest form possible.
To begin with, living in the EU and experiencing free travel and work without worrying about borders, visas, or currency exchanges, has deeply influenced how free I feel in my everyday life as a global citizen, although my countries participation in the EU sometimes influences my understanding of freedom in a negative way. While it gives its countries and citizens certain privileges, it comes with obligations and legislations - for example laws that influence the products I am able to buy on EU territory. This form of collective world-making, in Krause’s understanding, might restrict my negative liberty (or freedom of non-interference), but in turn makes me feel free in different ways, because it allows for other forms of freedom to flourish. Krause states that “freedom can never be achieved without loss, including losses to freedom itself in certain forms” (6-7), which is precisely how I feel when it comes to the EU and my experience of freedom in this context.
In addition, as a woman derogatory comments towards my gender have made and still make me feel less free to be truly myself and serve as a constant reminder of the oppressive nature of patriarchal societies. When one is constantly confronted with negative social feedback on how to live one’s life, it becomes increasingly difficult to live up to one’s own desires for life. Although the people exercising their right to free speech might individually feel freer in the sense of freedom as non-interference, it restricts my freedom of non-dominance and non-oppression, while simultaneously restricting collective world-making – because it prevents progress towards a more inclusive society which allows for greater individual freedom. Krause argues that “the right response to the plurality of freedom is (…) for societies collectively to find ways to honor (all types) as much as possible” (10-11). I would add to that statement, that the more forms of plural freedom are protected, the freer we are as individuals and as a society.
This leads to my thesis on the overall meaning of freedom: if two or more of these forms of freedom – as Krause defined them - are available to me, I feel the freest. As Krause argues “the realization of freedom is always bound to be incomplete” (6). Therefore, I would say I am free to the highest extent that is possible in this world, if the beforementioned conditions are complied with. However, this can only be true if the conflicts between these forms of freedom are governed and solved by certain values. According to Krause, these conflicts should be guided by the “principles of justice and the shifting demands of circumstance and history” (29). In my opinion, this statement is too vague and must be specified further. They should also be guided by empathy, kindness, moral obligation, and a sense for human rights.
To conclude, the meaning of freedom is hardly fixed. It is ambiguous and should be constantly evaluated. For this reason, Krause’s hypotheses on the plurality of freedom offers a way to deal with this ambiguity, when it comes to conflicts that arise within these different forms. One person’s right to freedom of non-interference, might restrict another’s freedom of non-oppression, non-domination, or collective world-making. In this manner Sharon R. Krause and Maya Angelou vocalize the same truth: freedom is always incomplete, and it will never truly be free. However, there is a way to come close and Krause’s theory presents an option to do so.
Works Cited
Krause, Sharon R. “Plural Freedom.” Freedom beyond Sovereignty: Reconstructing Liberal Individualism, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2015.
How “Strange Fruit” by Billie Holiday exemplifies the power of music and its connection to freedom
The blues have been consistently diminished in their social and political value, by the public and individual scholars alike. Its significant contribution to placing “protest and resistance back at the center of black musical culture” (Davis, “Strange Fruit” 4) has been downgraded and influential blues artists like Gertrude “Ma” Rainey, Bessie Smith, and Billie Holiday have been reduced to their autobiographies. Instead of praising their artwork for the opportunity it provided those who were silenced to find their voice and share their pain and protest through music, many focused solely on the artist instead of the art. However, blues arose at a time in the Southern United States when the Jim Crow laws overshadowed the lives of Black Americans – and offered them new forms of freedom. Many blues songs lyrically engaged with the violence and oppression the Black community faced and subtly served as a form of protest. “Strange fruit” by Billie Holiday is presumably the most obvious in its criticism, as it protests the lynching of Black Americans in the South utilizing principles of the blues. The song itself, furthermore, served as enactment of freedom, specifically of freedom of speech and freedom of choice. It gave Black people the opportunity to criticize and protest the oppressive regime of white supremacy by utilizing music. However, it also exemplifies non-sovereign freedom, as Billie Holiday not only faced various harsh consequences due to her continuing performance of the song, but also had to fight to get it recorded in the first place.
The artist described the song as her “personal protest” against racism. The social and political undertones in the lyrical dimension of the song are undeniable. Angela Davis writes that “’Strange Fruit’ evoked the horrors of lynching at a time when black people were still passionately calling for allies” (“Strange Fruit” 4). Originally based on a poem by Lewis Allen, Billie Holiday related to the song because her father died due to the prevailing racism during the Jim Crow era. According to Davis, the song “resonated with her own anger about her father’s death and with her desire to protest the racism that had killed him” (“Strange Fruit” 6). Throughout the entirety of the song, it is made clear that its set in the South of the United States, with the trees being described as Southern, and references to the “southern breeze”, the “gallant south”, “poplar trees” and the “scent of magnolias” (Davis, “Strange Fruit” 1). The “poplar trees” are common in Tennessee and were often used to hang the bodies of lynched people and the “magnolia” is the state flower in Louisiana and Mississippi (“Billie Holiday – Strange Fruit”).
From the first line of the first verse, the theme of lynching is obvious. The strange fruit in the song, is a metaphor for the bodies of Black Americans that have been hung from trees during this time. In the first verse the line “Blood on the leaves, blood on the root”, creates the imagery of the blood of the lynched victims that stained the trees in the South. However, it also has a deeper level of meaning as it insinuates that the violence against Black Americans – the blood - is what keeps the system of supremacy and racism – the tree – alive (“Billie Holiday – Strange Fruit”). It, furthermore, suggests that the suffering of Black people is what fuels the success of white people (“Billie Holiday – Strange Fruit”).
The second verse paints the picture of a Southern paradise and contrasts it with the image of lynched Black people’s facial expressions and the scent of burning Black bodies. By implementing this juxtaposed imagery, Allen critiques the romanticized depiction of the American South and makes clear how its “gallantness” is directly linked to the exploitation of enslaved African Americans (“Billie Holiday – Strange Fruit”).
Finally, the first line in the last verse “Here is a fruit for the crows to pluck” can be perceived as a direct reference to the Jim Crow laws that enforced segregation (“Billie Holiday – Strange Fruit”). In addition, this line and the two that follow reference the fact that the bodies of lynched Black Americans were often left hanging until rotten to “terrorize and breed fear” among the Black community (“Billie Holiday – Strange Fruit”). The “bitter crop” in the last line of the song is critiquing the fact that crops were only “profitably harvested” in the South during the time, because it “depended on the slave system”, hence making it “bitter” (“Billie Holiday – Strange Fruit”).
What made the song so influential were not just Allen’s lyrics, however, but also the musical dimension added by Billie Holiday. The piano instruction sets an “ominous mood” (“Billie Holiday – Strange Fruit”). Generally, it sounds haunting throughout the entirety of the song, which represents the haunting reality of Black Americans during the Jim Crow era. It evokes a feeling that is very dark and frightening, which makes the listener empathize with the horrific practice of lynching. The way Holiday goes down with her voice when singing “gallant south” creates a negative feeling rather than a positive one, adding to the contrasting images in the verse. Furthermore, the high-pitched dragging of the vowel “o” in “crop” at the end of the song, sounds like a haunting outcry that perfectly encapsulates the pain and suffering of African Americans. On a general level, “Strange Fruit” is a blues song that utilizes principles of blues but is still unique in the sense that it goes even further than other blues songs before it. The blues served as an option for verbal expression of feelings, desires, social commentary, and protest for Black Americans and created “a specifically African American social consciousness” (Davis, “Blame It on the Blues” 1). Lyrics of blues songs usually represented the experiences of Black Southerners in the decades following emancipation. However, most of them were not overtly protesting the conditions African Americans had to endure but voiced their critique rather subtly by making the stories personal and filling with them with stories of anger and frustration. This is partly the reason why it became a habit among blues scholars and critics to dismiss the blues’ cultural and historical significance (Davis, “Blame It on the Blues” 1-2). Furthermore, these critics failed to acknowledge the importance of the addressed audience (Davis, “Blame It on the Blues” 2). While the songs themselves might not have been as obviously protesting matters, the effect they had on Black people at the time should not be diminished. It’s simply inaccurate to define a protest song only with the intention of the author in mind and to disregard the role of the audience in creating meaning. Furthermore, Davis asserts the following:
“’Protest’ implies the existence of formal political channels through which dissent can be collectively expressed. In this context ‘protest’ would suggest some strategic goal (…). But such a historical possibility did not exist at the time. ‘Protest,’ when expressed through aesthetic forms, is rarely a direct call to action. (…) public articulation of complaint – of which there are many instances in the blues – must be seen as a form of contestation of oppressive conditions, even when it lacks a dimension of organized political protest.” (Davis, “Blame It on the Blues” 7)
Angela Davis also notes that most of the scholars critiquing the blues and reducing the artists to their autobiographical history were white men (Davis, “Blame It on the Blues” 2-3). So, not only did they have a very narrow understanding of the concept “protest”, but they also tended to have a very patriarchal perception of the world which influenced their assessment. Their research then tended to dismiss the historical significance of female blues artists like Bessie Smith and Billie Holiday. When looking at “Strange Fruit” Billie Holiday was deemed incapable of understanding the sociopolitical undertones and other men repeatedly took credit for the song’s creation (Davis, “Strange Fruit” 5-6).
As established in the previous analysis, “Strange Fruit” was more explicit in its protest than other blues songs. Even for Billie Holiday, compared to her other works complaint and resistance are very overtly present in the song. However, Davis states that this is precisely the reason for its historical significance and popularity (“Strange Fruit” 1-2). She first performed “Strange Fruit” in 1939, at a time when “public consciousness regarding lynching grew” (Davis, “Strange Fruit” 5). According to Davis, it “rose out of sociohistorical circumstances that provided the most resonant background (…) for the reception of an impassioned plea for racial justice” (“Strange Fruit” 5). It followed the years of the Harlem Renaissance and the antilynching campaign developed by the NAACP (Davis, “Strange Fruit” 6). Therefore, as Davis notes, it "echoed through circles of people who had been sensitized both by the transracial and social tragedies of the Great Depression and by the multiracial mass movements (…)” (“Strange Fruit” 6). Billie Holidays message therefore had a much greater impact than it would have had 20 years prior.
Finally, the blues and “Strange Fruit” as an important part of it, convey various ideas of the meaning of freedom. First and foremost, it offered the oppressed a way of exercising their freedom of speech. A freedom that had not been granted to them. Music served as their way to – relatively – openly criticize and complain about their situations. Expressing opinions in the form of political speeches would not have been tolerated, so exercising freedom of speech was only possible by utilizing music. Holiday herself said, “Strange Fruit” afforded “her a mode of expression that merged her own individual sensibility, including her hatred of racist-inspired brutality, with the rage of a potential community of resistance” (Davis, “Strange Fruit” 2). When performing the song, she implicitly asked audiences to imagine a horrific lynching scene and “identify with the songs antilynching sentiments” (Davis, “Strange Fruit” 2). This describes another form of freedom the song conveys - freedom of choice. Holiday actively chose to not only create this “protest song”, but also to engage the audience with its imagery and underlying meaning. Furthermore, she decided to continue to perform the song for live audiences although she repeatedly received angry threats. She also chose to not give up when Columbia, her label, refused to let her record it. Her persistence is the reason they eventually released it, which in turn is the reason it had such a great impact on millions of people (Davis, “Strange Fruit” 10). However, both the positive and negative receptions of the song are an example of non-sovereign freedom (Krause 1). While Holiday had the opportunity to exercise two very important aspects of freedom, she had virtually no control over the people’s reactions. Once the song was performed and eventually recorded, it belonged to the audience and whatever they decided to do with it. While many were deeply inspired, others – like her label – were sure it wouldn’t sell in the American South. And, of course, many racist Americans were angry and offended by “Strange Fruit”, which is what resulted in the angry threats Holiday received. In addition, some people were just completely “impervious to her message” (Davis, “Strange Fruit” 10). Again, all the above speaks to the fact that while “Strange Fruit” offered freedom of choice and freedom of speech, it also serves as an example of freedom of non-sovereignty.
In conclusion, “Strange Fruit” is a multifaceted blues song of great sociopolitical and historical significance. It placed protest back at the center of the blues and music in general and evoked a call to political activism in many, at a time when radical change was in the air. Holiday’s musical influence reaches into the present and has inspired artists such as Nina Simone and Tracy Chapman in the past (Davis, “Strange Fruit” 11). Furthermore, the song serves as an example of a multitude of freedoms, offering these forms to African Americans in times of violence and oppression, which greatly exemplifies the power music can have.
Works Cited
“Billie Holiday – Strange Fruit.” Genius, https://genius.com/Billie-holiday-strange-fruit-lyrics.
Davis, Angela Y. “Blame It on the Blues”. Blues Legacies and Black Feminism: Gertrude “Ma” Rainey, Bessie Smith, and Billie Holiday, Vintage Books, a division of Random House, Inc., New York, 1998.
Davis, Angela Y. “Strange Fruit”. Blues Legacies and Black Feminism: Gertrude “Ma” Rainey, Bessie Smith, and Billie Holiday, Vintage Books, a division of Random House, Inc., New York, 1998.
Krause, Sharon R. “Non-sovereign Agency.” Freedom beyond Sovereignty: Reconstructing Liberal Individualism, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2015.
The End of Denial by Ibram X. Kendi
How Trump’s Denial of Racism Could Lead to Lasting Change
The title sounds like a paradox. However, in Ibrahim X. Kendi’s opinion it is not a paradox at all. In his journal article “The End of Denial”, published in the Atlantic Monthly in September 2020, he explains his reasoning for developing the thesis that Trump’s continuous denial of his own - and the United States - racism problem might be some sort of blessing in disguise. He claims that Donald Trump’s prejudices have become so blatantly obvious, that it “forced Americans to confront a racist system” (Kendi, 48). In support of his thesis, he gives several examples of events from the Trump presidency and contextualizes them with events from U.S. history. Kendi also underlines his arguments by giving statistics from surveys conducted among the American people and other studies. He even uses a personal anecdote to emphasize how powerful denial can be. Finally, he makes two prognoses on how the future of the United States regarding racism and oppression could look like and ends the article with a call for action. All in all, Kendi presents a claim that, while paradoxical when first confronted with, makes a surprising amount of sense.
In the first part of the article, he uses Trump’s racist remarks of July 14, 2019, on Congresswomen Ilhan Omar, Ayanna Pressley, Rashida Tlaib, and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez
as his first example of Trump’s inherently racist beliefs. However, he also presents the President’s reaction to the understandable backlash to his tweet, which was not only to call himself the “least racist person there is in the world” (Kendi, 50) but also to call one of his critics a racist himself instantly afterwards. Ibram X. Kendi uses statements like these by Trump as a common thread throughout his article to make his argument more effective – and it works well. He states that in reacting like this to any form of criticism towards him, Trump “has held up a mirror to American society, and (...) has reflected back” (Kendi, 50) what many Americans have refused to see: that racism exists and that there is simultaneously a “reflex to deny that reality” (Kendi, 50). Kendi argues, that this is precisely the reason why more peoplein the United States stopped denying that racism is a huge problem. As evidence he presents data from surveys among Americans, which found that a lot more people agreed that racial discrimination is a problem when asked during Trump’s presidency then before it (Kendi, 50). Kendi adds to his statement by talking about the time before his election – and how a lot of Americans didn’t believe enough people would vote for someone as blatantly racist as Trump (Kendi, 52). Obama’s presidency made people think that they were living in a postracial era (Kendi, 52). Contrary to their belief, Kendi states that Trump’s victory made a lot of sense, and that he was not surprised at all, because “a racist nation had elected a racist president” (52). He interrupts himself by recounting the happenings in Trump’s first year of office – which of course were coined by racist decision-making (Kendi, 53-54).
Then, however, he circles back to his argument about the denial of racism under Obama and provides data on the anti-racist rate, which increased visibly during the Trump presidency. The lowest rate was during “the mid-point of Obama’s presidency” – underlining his strain of thought once again (Kendi, 54). Kendi argues that the problem of racism has become so obvious under Trump, that it became impossible to deny anymore. He claims that the U.S. has always been a land in denial because it prides itself on accomplishments it has never reached – like liberty, equality, and justice for all. He adds “often, a nation is precisely what it denies itself to be” (Kendi, 54). However, Kendi gives hope for the future by stating how the abolishment of slavery was a point in history were masses “walked away from a history of racial denial” (54). He uses this example to explain how, when “critical masses” (Kendi, 54) rally for a cause, change is possible, and a state of denial can end. He then circles back to his initial example of the four Congresswomen and how this affected the majority voters so much that they eventually agreed on the president being a racist (Kendi, 55). Kendi ends his argument with an anecdote about how his denial of his own colon cancer and how it could be defeated by a simple surgery, relates to what a lot of Americans are thinking today - that “cutting away” Trump as the head of state solves the problem of racism (55-56). He uses this final point to underline his prediction for the future of the United States. Kendi believes that either Trump’s loss of the next election will lead to Americans going back into onto the path of denial by believing the problem is now eradicated or they will choose another path – a better one – where the fight for change doesn’t stop after one bad guy doesn’t have power anymore and legislators will start on changing what is wrongwith the system (56).
In my opinion, the article has a strong line of reasoning. The evidence presented is a good mixture of data, recount of the facts, personal anecdotes, and contextualization of historical events. Ibram X. Kendi manages to transform a paradoxical statement into a logical and understandable one. He also manages to leave the reader eager to help fight the necessaryfight. His final words are strong and motivational. However, I think his future predictions don’t take the unequal political power dynamics into account that are prevalent in American politics right now. His analysis focuses solely on the sociological aspect and ignores the systematic and institutional ones entirely. In my opinion, including this would have made his argument even stronger. Nevertheless, I think the article is extremely educational, fact-based, and persuasive and his argumentative strategy works impressively well.
Works Cited
Kendi, Ibram X. "The End of Denial." Atlantic Monthly, vol. 326, no. 2, Sept. 2020, pp. 48-57.
Fighting for America’s Paradise: The Struggle against Structural Racism by R. R. Hardeman, S. L. Hardeman-Jones, and E. M. Medina
A Proposal of Policies for the Biden-Harris Administration to Overcome Structural Racism
“As a fundamental cause of racial inequity (...), structural racism undermines health, well-being, and the ability to ensure that everyone in our nation thrives” (Hardeman et al. 564). The repercussions of the structural aspect of racism have been scientifically proven and widely examined. However, lawmakers of the United States have continuously failed to acknowledge its existence and refused to take it into account when creating new policies and laws. Hardeman et al. argue in their journal article published in the Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law in 2021, that the Biden-Harris administration now has the opportunity to further lasting progress in the fight against systemic racism. Since they ran on a racial equity platform and presented The Biden Plan for Black America as one of their key ideas for their legislative period, they promised to finally change an unjust system. Hardeman et al. offer a wide range of strategies and policy suggestions in their journal article that are, in their opinion, needed to achieve the change that was promised. Because structural racism is manifested in every branch of the United States system – be it criminal justice, health care, education, housing, policing, or the economy – every new policy and every new law needs to be evaluated through a lens of abolishing systemic racism. According to Hardeman et al., this can be achieved by not only creating an Office of Racial Equity in the White House, but also by a comprehensive COVID- 19 response, universal single-payer health care, reparations, and policies that attempt to change the systemic racism in every branch mentioned above (563-575).
First, Hardeman et al. give a short overview on structural racism and in which areas it has affected communities of color in the United States. They state that “dismantling structural racism is contingent on our ability to create policies that enforce equity and defend against discrimination as well as forging a new path” (Hardeman et al. 564). However, they also acknowledge that their suggestions in the article are only a “critical starting point” (Hardeman et al. 564) and that racial equity will take many years to be achieved.
Second, they present their first proposal: a response to COVID-19 that acknowledges and effectively addresses the systemic racism that “has placed [Black people and people of color] at increased risk” (Hardeman et al. 565). They rightly cite that living conditions, working in essential jobs or jobs with close proximity to others, loss of employment and as a result loss of health insurance, are inequities that have directly affected the higher COVID-19 death rate among Black people and people of color (Hardeman et al. 565). Their suggestions include “protection of housing, SNAP benefits, health insurance, (...) a direct relief of $2000 recurring cash payments, (...) student loan debt cancellation (...), a continued expansion of unemployment insurance benefits” and a solution for distributing vaccines equally (Hardeman et al. 565).
Hardeman et al. move on to their next proposition, which proposes the creation of an Office of Racial Equity at the White House. This office would signal that systemic racism affects every branch of U.S. politics and would play a key role in “coordinating and executing the president’s policy priorities” (Hardeman et al. 566). They stress how important it is that the leader of this office is a Black person or a person of color, who understands the realities of their daily life (Hardeman et al. 567). Their next point is the importance of universal single-payer healthcare in the fight against structural racism. They argue that the current insurance system only furthers racial inequality and widens the health care gap between White Americans and Americans of color (Hardeman et al. 567). Rightfully, they criticize that the Biden-Harris administration’s plan for an insurance reform does not go far enough, and that racial inequities in data collection, resources, medical education, and access to healthcare need to be addressed and changed as well (Hardeman et al. 567). In another proposal, Hardeman et al. state that policies should be implemented that benefit the Social Determinates of Health, which have been deeply affected by systemic racism as well. As solutions they suggest tools such as a universal basic income, an expansion of affordable housing, protection and advancement of Women’s health, applying the structural lens to education, and a reform of policing in the U.S (Hardeman et al. 568-569). Hardeman et al.’s last recommendation addresses reparations for the nation’s history of slavery and how it “fueled inequities in access to money, power,resources, and intergenerational wealth” (570). In their opinion, these reparations can be made by implementing policies that “remedy the extensive and enduring damage” that’s been caused by racism (Hardeman et al. 570). They believe that reparations could close the health gap, reduce stress, and reduce the racial wealth gap – which in turn improves the well-being of future generations of Black Americans and people of color (Hardeman et al. 570). Hardeman et al. make their most important assertion in their conclusion, when they declare that the new administration now has the responsibility to not only change the wrongdoings of previous administrations, but to “lead with equity and innovation and create bold opportunities” and make serious efforts toward racial equity (570). Finally, they again acknowledge how this will be an extremely difficult endeavor for the Biden-Harris administration, because a lot of their opponents want to preserve current power structures and benefit from white supremacy. While Hardeman et al. are reasonable, they stand with their propositions and stress how important their fight is for the future of their children and all the U.S (Hardeman et al. 571).
In my opinion, the suggestions made by Hardeman et al. throughout their article are great ones and widely scientifically supported. I agree with the path that America needs to take. However, I believe that their proposals could be more specific in some points; elaborating exactly what policies need to be implemented. I also think they perfectly highlight the biggest obstacle to these important changes themselves mid-way through the article. For any progressive action to take place “the system must learn from past transgressions” (Hardeman et al. 567) – which is precisely the root of the issues. A lot of people in the U.S. keep refusing to address any past mistakes, especially in the context of race. However, without admitting wrongdoing there can never be a learning curve – and therefore progress. I fear that this fact will stand in the way of a lot of great ideas, such as the ones mentioned in the article.
In conclusion, I think the article was full of great ideas and necessary policy proposals. Their acknowledgment of the hardships the Biden-Harris administration and their successors will have to face, is proof that they understand that their fight will not be an easy or short one. I hope that the administration will be able to implement a lot of their advice, although that is probably dependent on the elections this fall. I hope that at some point in time the United States will build a nation that reflects the paradise Toni Morrison imagined in the quote given by the authors in the end. Until that happens, her writing helps to envision the future we’re fighting for.
Works Cited
Hardeman, Rachel R., et al. “Fighting for America's Paradise: The Struggle against Structural Racism.” Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law, vol. 46, no. 4, 2021, pp. 563– 575., https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-8970767.
Black Fish in a White Pond
Why Implementing Multicultural Education is Crucial for the Identity Development of Black Students
Lisa A. Jones pleads the case for the importance of multicultural education in her article “Black Fish in a White Pond”. She asserts that diversifying education is crucial for the identity development of students, especially ones that belong to minority groups. Her argument is built around three key statements: adolescent identity development is heavily impacted by the education students receive and vice versa, the sociopolitical environment of students affects their schooling, and multicultural education is crucial for academic success and identity development of all students, especially African American students. Generally, she asserts that identity is formed “in the context of [one’s] surroundings and with the people [one] knows” (Jones 35). It must be noted, before elaborating any further, that Jones focuses heavily on definitions and racial identity development but fails to go into detail when calling for changes – which severely weakens her argument. Still, the article highlights why the school system needs serious reforms to include all students, instead of just students that are part of the dominant culture.
To ease into the topic and connect it to the broader context, Jones starts out by explaining the difference between cultural and social identity (36). Cultural identity means being part of multiple groups that are intertwined and influence each other. This version of our identity is constantly changing as our membership in certain cultural groups varies over the course of our lives. Jones asserts, that for this reason students need to gain an understanding of the concept of cultural identity and teachers must be self-aware of how their own cultural identity shapes the way they educate students. On the contrary, social identity describes “how we view ourselves based on our membership in [these] cultural groups” (Jones 36). Students look for validation from these groups and define themselves based on how they are perceived. According to Jones, Black students are additionally confronted with issues of race and ethnicity, when it comes to identity development (36). They are in “a constant battle between themselves and the world” (Jones 36), specifically when surrounded by people who do not look like them. In consequence, Jones believes that it is the duty of educators to understand the nature of cultural and social influences on identity, and how they influence the education of students that belong to minority groups (36). She asserts, that a “mainstream-centric curriculum” reflects the dominant culture and “presents negative consequences” for all students (Jones 36). Black students that go to predominantly white schools are constantly confronted with the cultural differences between their homes and their educational institutions, hence why they need to feel validation, not alienation (Jones 36).
In addition, Lisa A. Jones states that sociopolitical context affects the academic success of students of color. According to her, practices such as school reform, curriculum changes, and teaching strategies “have the propensity to be influenced by social and political forces” (Jones 37), and most often serve as a disadvantage for students that belong to minority groups.She asserts that ignoring a “salient characteristic” of a student’s identity leads to unequal education (Jones 37). If school culture is changed in a way that acknowledges, empowers, and supports, Jones believes that it will encourage critical thinking and advocating for social injustices (37).
Finally, the author explains why the concept of multicultural education is the solution to all the beforementioned issues students of color experience when attending white suburban schools. She defines multicultural education as a practice that “challenges and rejects racism and other forms of discrimination in schools” (Nieto & Bode in Jones 37). It is a form ofteaching that influences every part of education, such as the curriculum, instructional strategies, and interactions between educators, students, and families (Nieto & Bode in Jones 37). In these last paragraphs, Jones focuses on the teacher’s significant role in implementing a multicultural approach. She believes that they need “to work with other allies to challenge school policies” (Jones 37), understand their own personal beliefs, and “confirm and validate the culturalaspects of students” (Jones 38). She recommends that educators incorporate diverse perspectives into their classroom activities, help students to critically think, and empower students to become social advocates (Jones 38). Jones finishes with the repetition of her assertion that practices and curriculum reforms with a focus on multicultural education are crucial for the academic success of students of color, but that educators need to commit to change as well (38).
As stated in the beginning, Jones repeats herself immensely in the end. The last paragraphs were extremely repetitive, continuously circled around the same point, and could have been summarized in two to three sentences. Sadly, she constantly fails to give concrete examples of what exactly in the curriculum et cetera needs to change and stays very superficial. Of course, if you have informed yourself on the topics, it is obvious what she is hinting at. However, a precise and detailed explanation would have strengthened her argument extremely. Nevertheless, the connection she establishes between the development of self and education, specifically how race and other factors influence that identity, make for a strong chain of argument. It serves as a good introduction to the topic and prepares the reader for the following assertions about the importance of diversifying education.
To summarize, I was somehow persuaded by her argument. I understand the point she was trying to make, and I completely agree with it. Still - as mentioned before - I am unsure if that was due to my previous knowledge and general stance, or her strain of thought. If someone with an oppositional opinion would read this article, I am unsure if they would be persuaded. In my opinion, this is largely because of the missing detail as well as it not being phrased thought-provocative enough. Nonetheless, Jones gives a good overview and connects the problem of identity development of African American students in white suburban schools and the importance of multicultural education very well.
Works Cited
Jones, Lisa A. “Black Fish in a White Pond. Identity Development of African American Students in Predominantly White Suburban Schools.” Multicultural Education, vol. 26, no. 1, 2018, pp. 35–38.
Harry Potter and Hogwarts Legacy – Can a video game adaptation overcome the original text’s controversies through player agency?
„We’ve all got light and dark inside us. What matters is the part we choose to act on.“ - Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix, 2003
But does it matter?
The Harry Potter series and its respective author, J.K. Rowling, have been the subject of controversy for an assemblage of reasons. While the discourse has recently focused mainly on the author’s transphobic comments and support of the TERF movement, critics have pointed out issues in the original text since its first publication. The visual description and portrayal of the goblins in the Harry Potter universe has sparked particular outrage for their close resemblance to historic antisemitic caricatures that have contributed heavily to the still prevalent antisemitic sentiments in society. While it is acknowledged that wizardkind has oppressed goblins for the last centuries, they are mostly antagonized throughout the entire series. Similar critique has been voiced about the depiction of enslaved house-elves. In Harry Potter, it is repeatedly stated that house-elves like to be enslaved and when one of the protagonists turns activist for their rights, it’s portrayed as ridiculous and a waste of time. Therefore, some have argued that the Harry Potter series justifies enslavement and the oppression of marginalized groups in general (Quinn 10). Granted, fantasy as a genre has always struggled with the “Othering” of marginalized groups, making it an issue that is not just particular to Harry Potter (Edell).
In 2023, then, Warner Bros. Games published an action role playing video game adaptation of the Wizarding World universe called Hogwarts Legacy – and many in the online community promptly called for a boycott. It stayed without consequence, but the discourse never disappeared. Warner Bros. later confirmed that Rowling’s “extraordinary body of writing [served as] the foundation“ for the open world game (Stephen). However, a video game as a form of adaptation offers possibilities through the gameplay, like player engagement and agency, which is unique to the medium. That raises the question hinted at in the beginning of this essay: To what extent do actions really matter when it comes to Hogwarts Legacy? How much can the players actually influence the game itself? To answer these questions, the interplay between
story and player agency needs to be analyzed. I will argue that the game mechanics of Hogwarts Legacy create only an illusion of player agency and by that reinforce the same antisemitic tropes and Othering narratives that the original text introduced.
To understand the possible impact of interactivity on the game, one needs to investigate Hogwarts Legacy’s fixed elements, the narrative, first. The story is set in the late 1800s during a violent goblin rebellion, which is essentially the main quest. The player’s character is a student whose unique magical capabilities are sought after by the rebellion leader, Ranrok, to subjugate wizards. Throughout the game the main antagonists are goblins, and the main story is finished once the player defeats the rebellion leader, and by default the goblin rebellion. It needs to be noted that goblins are generally regarded as second-class citizens. While it is acknowledged that wizards are obsessed with their own superiority and the goblins are justified in standing up for their own rights, the fact that they are the main antagonists within the game legitimizes rather than criticizes their oppression. Furthermore, taking the underlying antisemitic imagery and tropes into account, their villainization becomes even more problematic. Scholars like Paul Quinn have pointed out how the representation of goblins in the Harry Potter universe draws on centuries-old antisemitic stereotypes prevalent in medieval European folklore and myths (10). Medieval art often portrayed Jews with physical characteristics like short stature, large hooked noses, and hairy features, which were used to justify their persecution. This imagery was translated into the characteristics of the “goblin” we are used to today (Quinn 10). The aesthetic features were connected to money, banks, greed and deceitfulness – “a well-established antisemitic trope“ made even more popular by the antisemitic publication The Protocols of the Elders of Zion in 1903 and the following decades of Nazi propaganda (Quinn 10).
When examining the goblins’ visual features in Hogwarts Legacy (Image 1), the connection to antisemitic folklore is not just obvious – the caricature is intensified. This becomes especially clear when comparing the aesthetics to the Harry Potter movies (Image 2): their features are more grotesque, the nose even larger and more hooked. When it comes to behavior, Ranrok, is portrayed as deceitful, manipulative and violent, while the player is occupying the role of the hero that protects wizardkind from the rebellion. However, it is possible to argue that this depiction is particular to Ranrok, because he is the main antagonist and portraying him in a positive light would defeat the purpose. Nevertheless, since he is the leader of an entire rebellion, the player is forced to fight many of his goblin supporters throughout the main quest, who are also portrayed as extremely violent. Once could argue, then, that the purpose of the main quest for the player is to not only defeat the justified rebellion of an oppressed group (Jews) and kill its leader, but to also kill most of the rebels (Jews) in the process – making the fixed element at the heart of Hogwarts Legacy, the narrative, a story of Othering and oppression from the perspective of the oppressor.
As hinted at, the goblins are not the only mythical creatures that are subjugated in the Harry Potter universe: there are also the enslaved house-elves that are forced to serve one rich family their entire lives. Their portrayal has sparked controversy since they first appeared in the Harry Potter books. Some argue that, since they are such an obvious representation of real-life slaves, the fact that they like being enslaved and even ostracize one of their own because he refuses to be complicit justifies slavery as whole (Arangay Jaso 22). In Hogwarts Legacy, this narrative remains largely the same. Similar to the goblins it is acknowledged that most house-elves are being grossly mistreated by their masters, however, the critique never becomes substantial.
The player interacts with only a small number of house-elves more closely through side quests. Two of those interactions are important to examine further. At around level 20 the player can go on a mission to find the elf Tobbs. He is missing after his cruel master has sent him on a dangerous mission and the player is asked to find him in a side quest called “The Plight of the House-Elf”. At the end of the quest, the player finds Tobbs’s body in a cave. Although his master obviously did not care if his slave survived, repeatedly sending him on life-threatening missions and starving him for punishment, Tobby spends his last moments writing a letter to his slave master. The player finds this letter next to his corpse that reads: "Tobbs has failed you and deserves this punishment“ (Hogwarts Legacy). This particular quest is the only one that differs from the original text, and even subverts the original narrative to an extent. By showing how Tobbs’ misguided loyalty to his slave master has not just led to his untimely death but how he is even in his last moments unable to realize his own oppression, the game comments on this misguided self-understanding of the enslaved elves. In contrast to the original text, this narrative is implicitly criticized instead of normalized and depicts the cruelties of slavery instead of justifying it. The third house-elf the player can encounter (if they use a PS5 to play the game) is through “The Haunted Hogsmeade Shop” side quest. In this quest, which is only accessible after completing the second trial of the main quest, the player can buy a shop in Hogsmeade. The shop comes with its “own“ house-elf, Penny, who is being mistreated by her original owner, Cassandra Mason. By depicting the former owner as cruel, the change of ownership to the player is portrayed as something positive. While that might be an improvement to Penny’s previous situation, it does not change her status as a slave or offer a substantial critique of the player participating in her enslavement, contributing to the normalization of the system of slavery as established in the Harry Potter universe.
Now that the underlying implications of the story in Hogwarts Legacy have been iterated in detail, we need to look at the initial question raised in the beginning: How does player agency influence the narrative in the game? Let’s revisit the main quest of the goblin rebellion first. The game mechanics of Hogwarts Legacy do not allow the player to influence the outcome of the main quest at all. This can be attributed to the story set up. Like many games nowadays, Hogwarts Legacy features a linear narrative instead of a branching one, which means that the player cannot control its outcome (Fridlund and Gustafsson 36). While there are many instances where the game asks the player to make choices, it will unequivocally lead them back on the same linear path toward the final fight, which is in this case, the fight against Ranrok and the goblin rebellion. The player cannot choose not to kill Ranrok, nor can they choose to join their cause or organize their own non-violent uprising among other goblins. What the player can choose to do, however, is to not kill goblins when encountering them randomly in the game and instead run from them. If killing them is connected to a quest, though, there is no such choice anymore, they can only choose with which spells to fight them. The player agency is therefore severely limited, if not an illusion, making it impossible to subvert the antisemitic tropes through the relationship between the player and the game. Hogwarts Legacy as an adaptation, therefore, is unable to overcome the problematic aspects of its source material in this case.
The same issue applies to the stories surrounding house-elves, however, the illusory choices given to the player vary in each instance. When it comes to Tobbs and the side quest “The Plight of the House-Elf“, the most significant agency that is awarded to the player, is to not start or finish the quest. Once the player searches for Tobbs in the cave, they will be led to his corpse and there is no possibility of saving him or, for example, taking revenge on Tobbs’ cruel master. The only choice the player gets is whether or not to lie to Tobbs’s friend about his fate. In the PS5 exclusive mission “The Haunted Hogsmeade Shop“, the player is offered a more significant choice: whether to free Penny after her ownership is transferred. However, while it somewhat allows for the players relationship to the established slavery system to change, it again stays without consequence. If they choose to keep the house-elf, Penny will keep taking care of the shop for them. If they choose to free her, she decides to stay and do the same. While the choice to end her enslavement gives Penny the agency to decide over her own life, and the player a feeling of moral superiority, the game does not move beyond that and conveys the message that freeing a slave has only symbolic consequences instead of being a life-altering event. This downplays the effects of enslavement and does not award the player the agency to critically engage with the slavery narrative, prevalent in Hogwarts Legacy – making it at an adaptation that only superficially engages with the original text’s fallacies.
To conclude, Hogwarts Legacy as an adaptation fails to implement meaningful game mechanics that would allow for a critical engagement with the source material or a subversion of the antisemitic tropes and slave narratives that have been debated since the Harry Potter books were first published. While there are certain choices the player can make, they can never truly take control of the narrative or influence it in a meaningful way – their perceived agency is really an illusion. However, there are some instances where the video game acknowledges problematic aspects from the Harry Potter books and comments on them within its static, linear story. Nevertheless, these improvements are only made through narrative, with player agency not really making a difference. Hogwarts Legacy as a video game adaptation had the unique opportunity to make use of interactivity and create the possibility for players to alter problematic aspects in the Harry Potter universe – something that the previous versions could not offer. Yet, the players are presented with a game, that does not live up to its potential. Gamers and fans who perceive the mentioned tropes critically and are disappointed by the illusion of choice in Hogwarts Legacy may be left with only one option in order to be truly in control and have their actions matter: boycotting the game in its entirety.
Works Cited
Arangay Jaso, Iker. Slavery in the Harry Potter Series. University of the Basque Country, 2018.
Edell, Celia. “How ‘Hogwarts Legacy’ video game reinforces antisemitic scapegoating with goblins.” The Conversation, 04 Apr. 2023, https://theconversation.com/how-hogwarts- legacy-video-game-reinforces-antisemitic-scapegoating-with-goblins-202710
Fridlund, Rasmus, and Erika Gustafsson. "Engagement in Video Games: A Comparison between a Linear and a Branching Narrative." Blekinge Institute of Technology, 2023, https://bth.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2:1797888
Hogwarts Legacy. Developed by Avalanche Software, Warner Bros. Interactive Entertainment, 2023. Sony PlayStation 5.
Quinn, Paul. “Harry Potter and the Protocols of the Order of Zion? Or carelessness, cultural memory and mythic figures.” Gramarye: The Journal of the Sussex Centre for Folklore, Fairy Tales and Fantasy, 21, 2021, pp. 9-12.
Rowling, J.K. Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix. Arthur A. Levine Books, 2003.
Stephen, Bijan. “Warner Bros. reassures fans that J.K. Rowling isn’t directly involved with
new Harry Potter game / Though she will presumably profit from its sales” The Verge, 17 Sept. 2020, https://www.theverge.com/2020/9/17/21443940/hogwarts-legacy-jk- rowling-transphobia-warner-bros-robert-galbraith
Images Cited
Image 1
Ranrok, Hogwarts Legacy, 2023
Image 2
Griphook, Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows – Part 1, 2010.
How Bridgerton's Season Two Subverts the Patriarchal Mother/Whore Dichotomy
“If you haven’t, you’re a prude. If you have, you’re a slut. It’s a trap” (Breakfast Club, 1985).
This simple line hints at a concept deeply engraved in patriarchal societies: the Mother/Whore divide. It describes a binary way of thinking with the intent to objectify, subjugate and oppress women. The Mother is self-sacrificing, nurturing, modest, the “angel in the house”, and has no sexual needs. In contrast, the Whore, also commonly referred to as Temptress, is sexually forward, the object of male sexual desire, and considered to be unworthy of being a wife or mother. Usually, every woman who fails to be placed on the patriarchal pedestal of the perfect Mother is deemed a Whore. The quote from the movie The Breakfast Club rightfully describes the dichotomy as an entrapment of women, because, according to Jessica Valenti, “in both cases, women’s worth is contingent upon their ability to please men and to shape their sexual identities around what men want.” This dichotomy is a product of patriarchal ideology and is omnipresent in the culture at large. It has gradually influenced contemporary media culture and is often reproduced in films and TV shows, such as The Breakfast Club. A more recent example of an intentional utilization
of the binary is the Netflix series Bridgerton. Revolving around the upper class of a fictionalized 19th century, Bridgerton follows the lives of the Bridgerton family’s offspring as they enter society intending to marry. However, the show does not simply reproduce the concept in question: By confronting the protagonist, Viscount Anthony Bridgerton, who has internalized the Mother/Whore dichotomy, with a woman who is far more complex than the binary allows and forcing him to realize his bias by the end of its second season, Bridgerton subverts the concept at large and criticizes the patriarchal reduction of women to their assumed functionality.
The show utilizes the harmful patriarchal belief in the Mother/Whore divide to challenge its dehumanizing depiction of women, by depicting the protagonist as the stereotypical patriarchal, upper-class man who is on a quest to find himself a “perfectly agreeable” wife (2x02). Due to Anthony’s status as viscount and his internalized image of the Mother, his expectations of his potential wife are nearly impossible to meet. Anthony wants a woman who is eloquent, educated, caring, submissive, and who shares his interests. He states on multiple occasions that he is not looking for sexual attraction or a love match, but for a woman whom he deems fit to be the perfect mother and wife. It seems as if he is merely looking for an unpaid domestic worker rather than a human companion. Lois Tyson claims that “like objects, women exist, according to patriarchy, to be used without consideration of their own perspectives, feelings, or opinions” (91). This objectifying mindset is especially visible in a scene where Anthony talks to his brothers about his marriage plans and says: “I will not let (anyone) keep me from what it is I want!”, and his brother replies: “Who you want, you mean” (2x02)? In patriarchal fashion, Anthony views women as commodities – even using pronouns as objects that fulfill a certain purpose – the purpose of attending to his needs and his needs only. He eventually selects a woman, Edwina Sharma, whom he
imagines will perfectly fulfill said purpose and seemingly encompasses all the functions typical for the Mother. Thus, Anthony is portrayed as a patriarchal man who has absorbed the ideology that women are only defined by their functionality and can only exist in their assigned roles as Mothers or Whores.
However, by letting the viscount develop romantic feelings for a woman that he immediately reduces to the role of the Whore - ignoring her more complex nature and sexually objectifying her – Bridgerton utilizes the dichotomy to illustrate how women are still autonomous individuals that can exceed the limits patriarchy has trapped them in. Kate Sharma, the sister of Edwina Sharma, is superior to Anthony from the moment they meet, although he refuses to accept it. On the contrary, she refuses to be controlled by him and is far from submissive. The viscount is furious about her inability to adhere to the image of the Mother while being immensely sexually (and mentally) attracted to her. To him, Kate exhibits all the characteristics of the Temptress, especially her ability to rob him of his rationality. In a classic patriarchal manner, the loss of power frightens him and leads him to blame Kate, the Temptress, for his incapability to stay rational around her. In the scenes where they are about to share a kiss, Anthony constantly reminds her that “[she] need[s] to stop” (2x07), although he is the one who cannot keep away. In the same scene, he also directly states that he does not see her as human but as an object while casting the blame for his feelings on her again: “You are the bane of my existence and the object of all my desires” (2x05). Generally, Anthony refuses to admit to his romantic feelings for Kate, because he wants his wife reduced to her functionality and in his mind, she is the Whore - and the patriarchal man does not marry the Whore. However, Kate is portrayed as much more complex than the role he assigned her to.
In the end, Bridgerton subverts the patriarchal concept in question by making the viscount realize that the reduction of Kate to her assumed functionality is not only harmful to his relationship with her but is also not resembling the reality of Kate’s persona. Anthony finally realizes that Kate is not cold but loving, caring and even self- sacrificing when it comes to her family, and by that proving her complexity to be far greater than a restrictive binary system. After the wedding with Edwina is canceled, the viscount finally accepts that he loves Kate and wants to act on that. In his mind, Kate has graduated from a sexual object to an actual human being that is allowed to make autonomous decisions. While he confesses that he loves and wants to marry her, he also makes clear that she has the power to decline, acknowledging that she is a person in her own right. He says: “I want a life that suits us both” (2x08), emphasizing that he finally understood that she has needs of her own he wants to respect. Anthony goes even further by telling her that “[he is] imperfect” (2x08), recognizing that he made a mistake by reproducing this concept he internalized. In the end, Bridgerton refutes the Mother/Whore dichotomy by making Anthony marry the Temptress - a fact that would be considered an absurdity in the eyes of patriarchal society. The show manages to build up the underlying patriarchal ideology of the protagonist Anthony Bridgerton only to tear it down in the end – thus proving that dehumanizing women and reducing them to binary roles is worthy of critique.
As an artifact that reproduces the patriarchal concept of the Mother/Whore divide, Bridgerton challenges this harmful belief and its restrictive depiction of women by making its main protagonist realize his own internalized bias by the end of its second season. Anthony Bridgerton starts out as a conventional man who was socialized in a patriarchal society and has adopted its belief system. He considers women to be either “good patriarchal women” or “bad non-patriarchal women”, also known as the Mother and the Whore. Then, he meets Kate Sharma who he instantly categorizes as the Temptress and, for this reason, excludes as a potential wife although he clearly developed romantic feelings. However, throughout the season Anthony comes to the realization that it is impossible to fit her, or any woman’s, complex nature into a binary system. By that, Bridgerton manages to subvert the dichotomy, completely refuting the narrative when the viscount marries the supposed Temptress. Although this show tries to criticize this binary image of women, the Mother/Whore divide has been instrumentalized for plot purposes in literature for centuries. Yet, these stories usually reproduce patriarchal ideology instead of challenging it. In recent decades, however, society has grown more aware of these harmful categorizations. Thus, this has become visible in modern media, with more and more creators trying to spread that awareness through their content – Bridgerton being one of them. Furthermore, many authors, directors, etc. are actively trying to shed light on patriarchal issues, that have been normalized throughout centuries of human civilization. Shows like Bridgerton are participating in changing the consciousness of society as a whole and even if their impact might be small, taken together their influence has the potential to be groundbreaking. The more content like this enters the mainstream media, the easier it will be for women (and men) to free themselves from the prison patriarchy has trapped them in – making them an extremely important asset in the fight for a feminist future.
Works Cited
Bridgerton. Produced by Shonda Rhimes, Netflix, 2022.
The Breakfast Club. Directed by John Hughes, Universal Pictures, 1985.
Tyson, Lois. Critical theory today: A user-friendly guide. Routledge, 2014.
Valenti, Jessica. The Purity Myth: How America's Obsession with Virginity Is Hurting
Young Women. Seal Press, 2009.
Why is Surrogacy Such a Contentious Issue?
“The end justifies the means.” – But does it?
Ethics have long disagreed on this statement. The only common denominator in their positions is usually the conclusion that it depends entirely on the situation at hand. When looking at an ethically contentious issue such as surrogacy, the means must therefore be closely examined to reach a satisfying answer. It is important to note that surrogates are always legally bound to a surrogacy contract, typically issued by the corresponding agency. In these contracts, “a woman agrees to be inseminated with the sperm of the commissioning party [or the fertilized egg of the respective couple], and to conceive, bear and give up the resulting child, revoking all parental claims, in return for a fee plus expenses” (Dodds and Jones 1). Although the details of these contracts and the extent of regulation differ depending on the country, all of them are widely criticized for their violation of one’s right to bodily autonomy. The question that remains at the core of the conflict is, does the right to reproduction weigh greater than the right to individual bodily freedom? On the one hand, couples that are unable to conceive children due to missing uteri or medical reasons are presented with one last opportunity to have biological children. On the other hand, while surrogacy might be the last straw for some couples, it most often comes at a high price for surrogates. While many support surrogacy because of the opportunity it presents to infertile or gay couples, opponents argue that surrogates face issues disregarding their right to bodily autonomy which are impossible to condone: they are generally reduced to their functionality as breeders, entrapped by a contract that strips them of their free will and employed by agencies that perpetuate the capitalization of women’s bodies.
Firstly, to legitimize the process of surrogacy - including its clear violation of the fundamental human right to make autonomous decisions - women are reduced to their ability to conceive, meaning that they are essentially dehumanized by patriarchal societies. From the moment they become a surrogate, they are no longer perceived as human but solely as breeders, machines that are supposed to fulfill a job – no questions asked. As a result, they face judgment from society when expressing grief, regret, or any other negative emotional response concerning the service they have committed themselves to. Furthermore, they are often simultaneously criticized for becoming a surrogate in the first place, because patriarchal ideology prevalent in our society expects women to become mothers and giving up a child – even if it is to someone else’s benefit – directly contradicts this core value. According to Dodds and Jones, “surrogacy contracts [...] [help to] foster an attitude towards women that sees them, or some group of them, primarily as breeders, and in doing so views them as commodities” (13). They further argue that “to see a woman’s value as coming solely from her capacity to breed is to not see that woman as a fully autonomous person in her own right” (Dodds and Jones 13). In other words, surrogacy contracts are mainly responsible for a dehumanizing perception of surrogates and directly foster the attitude that taking away their autonomy is not only justifiable but in fact necessary. It is highly probable that they are intentionally used as a tool to restrict the rights of surrogates and influence the attitude of society towards surrogacy, to make the process itself socially and ethically acceptable. In short, the dehumanization of women is instrumentalized to validate the practice of surrogacy and its concomitant human rights violations.
Additionally, it is highly debated whether surrogates are even able to exercise free will when entrapped by a restrictive surrogacy contract that essentially degrades them to a livestock-like position and takes advantage of their financial needs. Most of the women that decide to become surrogates are in difficult - often inescapable - social, economic, and financial situations. It is highly questionable whether one can make a truly autonomous decision about something as invasive and impactful as a pregnancy when it seems to be the only option left to escape poverty. Taking advantage of the financial pressure many of these women are under can be viewed as a form of duress. Dodds and Jones agree that “the presence of coercion can restrict or impede occurrent autonomy” (2). Furthermore, surrogacy contracts completely disregard that women may change their minds at any time, because they have formed an attachment to the child, value their personal health more than carrying the pregnancy to term, or simply realize they do not want to go through the process at all. These contracts do not consider women to be emotional beings with the ability to form deeper connections. The women must sign the contract before being impregnated - often for the first time - and by that, before having all relevant information to even make such a life-altering decision (Dodds and Jones 8-9). According to Dodds and Jones, a person cannot make a truly autonomous decision without being adequately informed about the matter, with this information not being restricted to facts but also past experiences, such as previous pregnancies (2). Therefore, the right to make autonomous decisions is deeply violated when surrogates are caught in a situation where their choice is not fully in their hands from the very start.
Lastly, surrogacy has long ceased to be a private matter. In classic capitalist fashion, it has become a billion-dollar industry, with surrogacy agencies essentially perpetuating the capitalization of women’s bodies and in doing so, again, stripping women of their bodily autonomy. These businesses not only attract potential laborers by offering them something they often most desperately need, but also exploit them in the process. While surrogates carry most of the responsibility and risks, it is the agencies that receive the main share of payments. Essentially, capitalism has enabled surrogate agencies to commodify the female body and its reproductive abilities and has allowed for reproductive power to shift from the individual to the corporate level. Bodily autonomy can, therefore, never exist in a system that is inherently built to exercise full control over other human beings. If companies have more control over what happens to one’s body and profit more from it, individual rights will always be violated. According to Dodds and Jones, “there is good reason to doubt that profit- making surrogacy agencies could be entrusted” with selecting and caring appropriately for surrogates – as they would for themselves – while allowing for full bodily autonomy of their laborers (11). For this reason, it is not up for debate for opponents of surrogacy whether reproductive disadvantage justifies this commodification of women’s bodies, because it simply does not. Surrogates will not be able to make independent, truly free choices about their own bodies if their body is subjected to the power of profit-oriented corporations.
However, if the product of this system is newborn life being brought into a well-situated, loving family, it should weigh greater than the means of production, proponents argue. As established, the fallacy of this argument is its failure to realize the means as serious threats to women’s rights, severely affecting the lives of the surrogates. Women that decide to utilize their reproductive abilities are forced into contracts that dehumanize them and reduce them to their reproductive functionality. These contracts prevent them from truly exercising their right to free will for the duration of the surrogacy, leaving them without the ability to change their mind and taking advantage of their, often precarious, monetary situations. Generally, surrogacy contracts are utilized by surrogacy agencies to make a profit using women’s bodies - essentially commodifying them – and to prevent their subjects from having full bodily autonomy to ensure the success of the industry. Taking these valid arguments into account, it becomes clear why surrogacy is such a contentious issue. However, when looking at the issue of bodily autonomy and women’s bodies in current political and social debates, the female body itself seems to be a contentious issue. It is viewed as a topic everyone is allowed to express their opinion on, with women being dehumanized and stripped of their agency in the process. With Roe v. Wade being overturned in the U.S., other countries further restricting their access to abortions, and countless adult women being denied sterilization all over the globe, women’s bodily autonomy is constantly threatened, restricted, or up for debate. When the means to justify any end are based on denying a living being one of the most fundamental rights that exist, there is only one ethically correct conclusion to arrive at: when reproduction comes at the cost of basic human rights, the end will never justify the means.
Works Cited
Dodds, Susan, and Karen Jones. "Surrogacy and autonomy." Bioethics, 3.1, 1989, pp.
1- 17. Web. 26 Jul. 2021.
Bachelor’s Thesis
“Grab Life by the Balls, Dear.”Neoliberalism, Feminism, and Freedom
in The Seven Husbands of Evelyn Hugo
1. Introduction
You have worked so hard for a life so grand. And now all you want are the smallest freedoms. – Taylor Jenkins Reid, p. 176
One cannot be free alone: freedom is collective. – Dr. Angela Davis, 2021
What is true freedom? A query of four words, seemingly simple, has been the subject of scholarly debates for the entirety of humanity’s philosophical existence - since it turned out to be virtually impossible to answer. Questions of freedom come with an inherent complexity that is always contingent on who attempts a reply and in which context such an attempt is made. Under patriarchal capitalist systems, notions on freedom are defined by the self-sustaining ideology they are produced in and center a marketized, white male perspective. Therefore, freedom has historically been unequally distributed, with marginalized groups facing various forms of oppression, including systemic restrictions. These inequities have sparked liberation movements such as feminism, concerned with the fight for equal freedoms and equal access to them. Questions of freedom are therefore always simultaneously questions of equality and questions of hegemony.
However, the landscape of liberation movements has been significantly altered by the emergence of neoliberalism in the late 20th and 21st century and postfeminist sensibilities in the 1990s and early 2000s. Concepts of freedom were increasingly marketized and individualized, leading liberation movements to align their goals with neoliberal capitalist values. This development presumably enabled the emergence of a new, depoliticized form of contemporary feminism: neoliberal feminism. It promotes the idea that empowerment and liberation can be achieved by anyone within neoliberal capitalist patriarchal societies through economic success and self-optimization – obscuring the need for systemic critique and by extent collective action and structural change. The hyper-individualization of feminist agendas under neoliberalism that increasingly equates liberation with market-based success has sparked a new wave of cultural products reproducing and exploring this redefined perception of freedom.
One of the most prominent and successful examples is the New York Times bestselling novel The Seven Husbands of Evelyn Hugo by Taylor Jenkins Reid. The novel’s attempted critique of neoliberal feminism exemplifies how neoliberal influences on liberation movements, such as feminism, LGBTQ+ causes and so forth, ultimately uphold neoliberal capitalist, patriarchal hegemony, thus being inherently inadequate in offering freedom to the
marginalized. However, the novel ultimately fails in its criticism, which speaks to the ideology’s pervasiveness. These limitations and conflicts between neoliberalism, feminism, and freedom are deconstructed by drawing on scholarly discourses, particularly those using a Foucauldian and Marxist approach. In this context, specific focus will be paid to Catherine Rottenberg’s critique of neoliberal feminism and the creation of a new feminist subject, while also drawing on other scholar’s examinations of a neoliberal resignification of terms and concepts central to liberation movements. Furthermore, contemporary literature’s connection to capitalist realism and its resulting entanglement with neoliberal capitalism will be explored. After this iteration of the underlying theoretical framework, the protagonists’ own negotiations with freedom in The Seven Husbands of Evelyn Hugo and how the novel ends up perpetuating what it seemingly tries to critique is analyzed in detail. Not only does the novel exemplify the limitations of neoliberal feminism, especially for multiply marginalized identities, but in its paradoxical inability to ‘drive the point home’ it also unintentionally serves as a signifier of the omnipresence and current inescapability of neoliberalist ideology, thus inadvertently further popularizing its ideas.
2. Theoretical Framework
2.1. Neoliberalism and Freedom
Neoliberalist thought has invaded nearly every social sphere imaginable. It has become so normalized in capitalist countries of the Western hemisphere, particularly in North America and Europe, that most would not even be able to identify its influences on their own worldview and values. As David Harvey argues in his book A Brief History of Neoliberalism, it has essentially become “hegemonic as a mode of discourse” (3).
Starting out as an economic theory, coined “most famously by Milton Freeman and the ‘Chicago School’ of economics in the 1970s”, neoliberalism signified a shift back to free- market values (Roderick A. Ferguson and Grace Kyungwon Hong ix), advocating for little state involvement, deregulation, competition, and individualism (Julia Schuster 30). However, social and cultural theorists such as Michel Foucault and Wendy Brown have argued for a broader definition of neoliberalism (Ferguson and Hong ix). According to them, the economist logic inherent to neoliberal thought is also applied “to every sector of culture” (Ferguson and Hong ix). But how does this come to be? How does an economic concept turn into a pervasive ideology shaping most economic, cultural, social, and political practices and thought?
David Harvey awards this, mostly, to neoliberalism’s compelling fundamental ideals of human dignity and individual freedom, which appeal to anyone valuing the freedom “to make decisions for themselves” (5). He states that when certain “ways of thought” become dominant due to their appeal, they “become [...] embedded in common sense” (5) – essentially describing some of the inner mechanisms of ideological modes of action. According to Julia Schuster, Michel Foucault, who analyzed neoliberalism in his lectures at the Collège de France, went into even more detail – prior to Harvey’s assertion - and described it as a government rationality* that posits “the government of others (subjectification) and the government of one’s self (subjectivation)” (31) at its core. Generally, subjectification refers to the “governing [of] populations by using disciplinary ways of enacting power” (Schuster 31). Under neoliberalism this state interference is reduced according to market principles, meaning that interventions from the state are not fully rejected but solely allowed to ensure that the free market is sufficiently equipped “to facilitate economic competition, growth and to economise the social” (Schuster 31). Subjectivation, according to Schuster, who is drawing on Foucault, “refers to the production of neoliberal subjects who adopt an economic reason, neoliberal morals and assumed truths, as rules of how to conduct oneself in all aspects of life” (31-32). In other words, subjectification describes the implementation of neoliberal thinking on a systemic, external level, whereas subjectivation denotes the internal effect neoliberal ideology has on the individual being.
Foucault further asserted, according to Schuster, that the adoption of this neoliberal rationality by individuals led to the creation of a neoliberal subject – a subject that would later be called the Homo Economicus (32). These subjects are the entrepreneurs of their own lives, their own economic value, their entire self (Foucault 226), with their successes and failures being entirely attributed to their own talents or deficiencies (Schuster 32), rendering any systemic component irrelevant. Furthermore, if the adoption of neoliberal ideology creates a neoliberal subject, said ideology will also be continuously reproduced by said subject – essentially generating an ‘active’ ideology that alters society as well as its subjects (Schuster 32) and presents its narratives as assumed truths (Schuster 31). Due to this influence the understanding of concepts such as freedom and what it should entail is similarly affected and reinterpreted.
*Also referred to as governmentality or political rationality, with neoliberal rationality being a specific version of the former (Schuster 31).
Thus, the relationship of neoliberalism and freedom must be explored to fully understand the influence of neoliberal ideology on liberation movements. As mentioned, neoliberalism attributes much value to individual freedom and neoliberal rationality changes how most people understand the term freedom and what this concept encompasses. Under neoliberal capitalism, freedom is solely defined as the freedom to advance one’s individual human capital. This means that government rationality equips its subjects with freedoms such as: “freedom of the market, freedom of choice, [and] freedom of consumerism” (Schuster 33). Neoliberal ideology, in short, solely understands individual and economic liberties defined by a marketized perspective as constitutive of freedom. Additionally, since neoliberalism defines what is classified as common sense, this interpretation of freedom is regarded as the default. This inevitably leads to the rejection of any other notions of freedom as “threats to liberty”, including those that focus on “emancipatory and social justice projects” and advocate for systemic changes, as those freedoms require increasing interference from the state, a sense of community, and a support of downward redistribution (Schuster 34). Essentially, neoliberalism ‘Others’ any understanding of freedom that potentially threatens its hegemonic position in society.
This understanding of freedom adds to the hyper-individualism propagated by neoliberalism. However, once one attributes everything to the individual – as previously iterated – any systemic component is erased. This erasure reframes structural problems as individual ones, which reattributes responsibility for all success or failure to personal talent or shortcomings. Julia Schuster, drawing on Chandra Talpade Mohanty, further connects this individualization of systemic issues to relations of power and identity struggles (34). She argues that this disconnects representational politics for marginalized groups from a needed critique of overarching social power relations (34). As a result, “the neoliberal culture supports the state in abandoning social equity as a political goal” (Schuster 34). In short, it can be argued that neoliberal rationality’s interpretation of freedom ultimately leads to a decline in social justice activism concerned with changing and improving socio-economic structures for marginalized groups – which in turn leads to a decreasing state of equality and as a consequence a regression of freedom.
2.2. Neoliberal Feminism
As established prior, neoliberal notions on freedom restrict rather than liberate marginalized people. In contrast, feminism as a liberation movement has historically been concerned with advancing the freedoms of women and other oppressed groups. How can it be, then, that a concept such as neoliberal feminism, combining two essentially opposed ideologies, not only exists in discourse, but has effectively ousted any significantly different forms of feminism in popular culture?
Since most subjects have adopted a neoliberal rationality, they are not even aware of the oppositional nature of these ideologies. Most contemporary feminisms are so ‘neoliberalized’ that former apparent contradictions have seemingly become invisible. In order to understand this, it is necessary to investigate the preceding historical developments.
The feminist movement dominating the 1960s to the 1990s, often referred to as second- wave feminism, mainly advocated for “legal, educational and economic equal rights for women”, with a focus on reproductive rights (Maggie Humm 53-54); and criticized “traditional political concepts” (55), such as patriarchal institutions. In short, they focused on achieving systemic gender equality.
Then, the neoliberal resignification of freedom described in the previous chapter contributed to the idea that feminism is obsolete because everyone is already considered a free agent under neoliberal capitalism. This idea is often referred to as postfeminism* (Angela McRobbie 255). As Angela McRobbie asserts, with its increasing popularity in the late-1990s and early 2000s, postfeminism essentially pushed feminist agendas of the previous century to the sidelines and popularized the fantasy of a world where feminism is no longer needed (255). Furthermore, as Sarah Banet-Weiser argues, drawing on Rosalind Gill, with postfeminism emerged a sensibility that posited “personal (and consumer/economic) choice” at its core (10; emphasis added), stabilizing the connection between postfeminist and neoliberal ideas. However, since this conceptualization of postfeminism does not avow the still perceived gendered inequalities (Banet-Weiser et al. 7) it created an aporia. This aporia was seemingly solved by neoliberal feminism since it acknowledges these inequalities, although of course without any systemic critique (Banet-Weiser et al. 7), while simultaneously still focusing heavily on freedom of choice. In summary, neoliberal rationality, or rather its entanglement with postfeminist ideas, rendered feminism obsolete in the late stages of the last century, coining a decade where feminism was deemed barely relevant and even looked down upon, only to be co-opted by the movement shortly after.
*There are other characterizations of the term, due to “different perceptions and theories related to it” which created a “multiplicity” of meanings of postfeminism (Stéphanie Genz and Benjamin A. Brabon 2). This thesis will work with the definition described above.
It must be mentioned that neoliberal feminism has been termed differently by many scholars - its other most popular terminology being choice feminism. What Catherine Rottenberg first described as neoliberal feminism was mainly influenced by self-assigned feminist manifestos, such as Sheryl Sandberg’s New York Times bestseller Lean In from 2013 and Anne-Marie Slaughter’s famous article published in the Atlantic “Why Women Still Can’t Have it All” in 2012 (418). Rottenberg described and critiqued the neoliberal mindset prevalent in these ‘feminist manifestos’, while being heavily influenced by Rosalind Gill’s and Angela McRobbie’s conceptualization of postfeminism and postfeminist sensibility (Banet-Weiser et al. 7).
Neoliberal feminism can be situated as a form of contemporary feminism*, which is the current dominant form of feminism – the one that is visible, the one that is by now universally accepted and widely considered to be the ‘absolute true’ feminism. Most contemporary forms of feminism are neoliberalized, which means they do not just have internalized neoliberal thought, they consequentially do not offer any critique of neoliberalism – or by extension the overarching system that is neoliberal capitalism (Rottenberg 420). It must also be mentioned that Sarah Banet-Weiser has described another strand of neoliberalized contemporary feminism, a “set of social conditions”, which she calls popular feminism (9). She formulated her observations against the background of Rottenberg’s and Gill’s assertions and attempts to answer the question how feminism has entered the mainstream discourse (9). According to her, the devaluation of structural effects on individual liberation made feminist ideas digestible to the public and replaced the negative image of the stereotypical “feminist killjoy” with an aspirational one (9) – the successful female entrepreneur (9-11). She attributes a lot of this development to technological advancement and the rise of social media (11-12).
This female subject, as Rottenberg argues, is also informed by neoliberal rationality. According to her, the adoption of this rationality did not just lead to the creation of the Homo Economicus, it also created a feminist version of it – a version that Rottenberg calls a new, active feminist subject (420).
*This thesis will mostly disregard a wave-like structure of feminism(s), due to its inability to account for the “complexity” and fluidity of the movement(s) (Nicholson 5).
Evaluating different developments of feminism in the last decades, it becomes unequivocally clear how neoliberal rationality transforms society and subjects and by extension the liberation movements already existent within this culture.
2.2.1. A New Feminist Subject
As Catherine Rottenberg accounts the creation of a new, active “feminist (not simply female) subject” in the context of neoliberal subjectivation, she explains that this subject is considered feminist, because she is very much aware of the gender inequalities prevalent in society (420). Simultaneously, this subject is neoliberal, according to Rottenberg, because she negates that these inequalities are socially, culturally, politically, or economically (in short systemically) produced (420). Additionally, she accepts responsibility for her entire well-being, which in the context of neoliberal capitalism is contingent on “crafting a felicitous work–family balance based on a cost-benefit calculus” (Rottenberg 420) – her entire life is structured by and aligned with market rationality. As Catherine Rottenberg summarizes “the neoliberal feminist subject is thus mobilized to convert continued gender inequality from a structural problem into an individual affair” (420). Furthermore, the focus on a happy work-family balance in a feminist context does not challenge heteronormative patriarchal ideals of who is to perform (unpaid) social reproductive labor, or that it has to be performed at all. It rather reinforces it as female work performed in the privacy of the household, but with the added demand to simultaneously strive as capitalist subject – in popular culture this neoliberal feminist subject is often referred to as “the girlboss” (Leone Robinson 2).
Rottenberg builds much of her critique of neoliberal feminism on three central arguments of Sandberg’s Lean In: “1) internalizing the revolution, 2) lean in and 3) the leadership ambition gap and how they are all informed by market rationality” (420). Notably, all these arguments are exemplified and incorporated by this new, active feminist subject, again underscoring the shift towards hyper-individualism in every cultural sphere as a central effect of the adoption of neoliberal rationality. Generally, as Rottenberg critiques, Sheryl Sandberg’s asserts that women simply need to evolve and improve themselves (ergo, make the right choices when it comes to their self-governance) to reach a state of equality and, of course, a “happy” balance of family life and economic success (419-420). According to Rottenberg, the former Facebook COO advises, that women first must “accept the need to keep moving towards” a state of “true equality” (425). It is understandable how this advice could be viewed as feminist. However, this ‘state of true equality’ is solely associated with gender parity in institutions of power (Rottenberg 425), since systemic gender equality is promised by law and therefore understood to already exist. Furthermore, Sandberg calls this process “internalizing the revolution” (1) – which subtly hints at another issue lying at the heart of her statement: the privatization of feminist political action. Rottenberg argues that this for one “assumes that the revolution has [...] already taken place”, which serves as a justification for Sandberg’s argument that women just need to act according to this reality (426). Secondly, she argues that it “conceptualizes change as an internal, solipsistic, and affective matter” – further transforming collective feminist agendas into personalized agendas of the individual feminist subject (420).
As mentioned, true gender equality is likened with equal representation in positions of power. After advising women to look inward, Sheryl Sandberg introduces her notion of leaning in, which encourages neoliberal feminist subjects to overcome their internal barriers (8). She asserts that women simply need to become more assertive, aggressive, and outspoken in order to become economically successful – basically advising them to co-opt behavior typically associated with men in patriarchal societies (8). There is a clear relation between her advice and what Rottenberg considers to be active about the new feminist subject she describes. Sandberg’s encouragement counters the traditional understanding of a women’s supposedly passive role in society. Hence, why her statements are – when examined superficially –understood to be feminist. On the surface, encouraging women to become more active subjects seems not only necessary, but long overdue. After all, the traditional ideal of women as passive, sensitive and submissive subjects was one that feminists of the previous century already vehemently contested. Additionally, during times where the two-earner family has become “the neoliberal financialized norm” (Nancy Fraser 32) – or rather often the need – and society increasingly relies on the economic labor of women to sustain itself, Sandberg’s advice seems entirely legitimate. However, leaning in, again, solely encourages personal entrepreneurship and by that simultaneously discourages “conceptions of solidarity” (Rottenberg 426). Instead of working toward a common goal, neoliberal feminists work separately toward similar, but still distinct goals (Rottenberg 427). Some scholars argue that this development is actively harmful to women’s liberation since it makes collective action virtually impossible (Eva Chen 446) and strips the feminist movements of its biggest source of power.
Marxist scholar Nancy Fraser has further commented on the irony of Sandberg’s notion of leaning in (34). She adds that it should rather be called leaning on, since in reality all of these women have to lean on the domestic work of other, “chiefly [racialized and] immigrant women”, to be able to achieve a happy work-family balance (34). Fraser joins other scholars in their critique that Sandberg’s ‘manifesto’ is essentially written for a white, middle-class audience that privileges the struggles of white women at the expense of PoC women. Sheryl Sandberg lastly states that having more women in leadership positions will change conditions for all women, since they can give a “strong and powerful voice to their needs and concerns” (7) because, as Rottenberg summarizes “shared experience leads to empathy” (427). This trickle-down effect has been criticized by many feminists, not only because it addresses only a small number of women but also because it still operates according to free-market rationality (Rottenberg 427). As an effect, more women in positions of power just means more competition for said women and consequentially the emergence of not just winners, but also losers in this equation (Chen 449). It can in turn, never serve ‘all’ women.
When taking all the previous critique into account, the question whether neoliberal feminism can provide freedom for this new feminist subject has to be raised. Nancy Hirschman argues that the parameters of freedom are presupposed by a “political evaluation of what is important” (48). Therefore, since neoliberalism posits this evaluation entirely in the context of hyper-individuality and market metrics, it can be argued that the parameters of freedom under neoliberalism are contingent on the context that surrounds them. Another aspect of neoliberal feminism is the emphasis on freedom of choice. Deriving from postfeminist understanding that a state of equality has been reached came the understanding that is also deeply embedded in neoliberalist thought, that true freedom simply means being able choose whatever one desires. From a neoliberal standpoint that argues that equality is promised by law and therefore a given, the argument that social subjects simply must make the right choices seems logical. From a neoliberal feminist’s standpoint, such as Sandberg, this is not just the logical conclusion – it is the entire foundation of her argument. However, scholars like Eva Chen and Rachel Thwaites argue, as will be detailed in the subsequent section, that in contemporary forms of feminism the perception of choice has become perverted and is part of a resignification process that intensely altered the understanding of freedom itself.
2.2.2. Agency, Choice, & Empowerment
Similar to the changing interpretation of the term freedom already hinted at in previous chapters, some scholars, such as Eva Chen, argue that neoliberal feminism has severely altered the common understanding of the terms agency and choice (440). It has also made the concept of empowerment one of its central tenets, rather than liberation, as Hester Eisenstein observes (43). These redefinitions and resignifications have ultimately led to the changed perception of what freedom in the context of feminist thought overall entails.
The most important term of neoliberal feminism, which literally lends its name to one of its synonyms because of its significance, is choice. Neoliberalism’s interpretation of choice, according to Eva Chen, “refers to one’s ability to choose maximum material gain and profit in order to construct one’s own self” (442). In neoliberal feminism this understanding is advanced by an emphasis on specifically women’s freedom to do whatever they please or desire - within the confinements of the law (Chen 443). Since neoliberal ideology assumes its agents are already free, because it is promised by law, it also assumes that women are able to choose freely, without external constraints. However, Nancy J. Hirschmann states in “Toward a Feminist Theory of Freedom” to evaluate if a choice is free, one always needs to evaluate the context in which said choice is made (47, 63). A woman choosing to stay with her abusive husband, for example, cannot be considered a free choice, because her choice is heavily influenced by potential violence - ergo her context. Hirschmann concludes that choices can only be made freely if these choices have the potential “to affect [or change] the context themselves” (Hirschman 64). If one assumes that women’s choices are affected by a wider context, such as patriarchy or capitalism, the question needs to be raised if women can make truly free choices at all.*
*This question can be extended to all humans, of course, since all humans make choices influenced by the hegemonic structures that they are made in.
Furthermore, if simply choosing whatever one wishes is a qualifier for a feminist act, it solidifies any choice made by a female subject as a feminist choice. While this notion has been popular among contemporary women it erases any difference. If all choices are feminist, none of them are. Rachel Twaites goes even further and asserts that “accepting all paths using the narrative of choice [...] effectively support[s] patriarchal relations and norms” (10). Eva Chen observes these effects and states that many women, although seemingly able to choose anything, end up “willingly” choosing normative paths, informed by hegemonic ideals and supported by the conditions the state provides (442-443).
Additionally, patriarchal heterosexual norms and neoliberal capitalist commodity culture have influenced each other to center a different term in neoliberal feminism: empowerment. As described, under neoliberalism, any choice is rendered a feminist choice. This includes choices which embrace matters many feminists of the previous century vehemently fought against, such as sexual (self-) objectification, pornography (Chen 445-446), sex work or traditional patriarchal gender norms. To justify these choices as feminist, they are resignified as empowering. Rather than focusing on being liberated from these patriarchal,
capitalist expectations, they are actively embraced and reinterpreted as liberatory practices – as long as women have the agency to actively choose them (Thwaites 7). Agency, another redefined term, now simply means having the sexual and financial agency to be an active participant in “this materialistic, profitable self-actualizing project” (Chen 442-443) –connecting it almost solely to commodity ownership. Moreover, Chen asserts the following:
The promise of freedom [under neoliberal feminism] has turned into a new form of restriction and pressure. [...] The permissive, free-choice society brings with it a new obligation to be liberated and to enjoy this freedom; but it also produces anxiety, unhappiness and a new form of shackles that eventually undermine its claims. (448)
This relates back to the previously mentioned dissonance one may experience when confronted with still prevalent structural restrictions on one’s freedom. If you believe, according to neoliberal rationale, that these do not exist, the person responsible must be yourself. However, one can never solve a structural problem individually, so this leads to unhappiness and a feeling of ‘unfreedom’.
In summary, neoliberal rationality has commodified the concept of freedom by redefining feminist terms, such as agency and choice. These terms were further instrumentalized to create a new, central tenet to feminist action called empowerment. However, as established, empowerment simply dilutes feminist action beyond recognition, and is by many scholars believed to be actively harmful to the feminist movement. Similarly, many scholars have argued that the neoliberal reinterpretation of freedom in its totality can unwillingly turn into its opposition.
2.3. Intersectionality vs. Social Reproduction Theory
When examining neoliberal influences on the redefinition of the aforementioned terms central to feminist action, it is also important to mention how this resignification has not halted before important concepts such as intersectionality, which has played an integral part in feminist discourse since Kimberlé Crenshaw first coined the term. In her seminal work “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex”, published in 1989, Crenshaw critiques the (at this time) common practice of “treat[ing] race and gender as mutually exclusive categories [when it comes to] experience and analysis” (139). This distinction, Crenshaw argues, “marginalizes those who are multiply-burdened [i.e. PoC women] and obscures” experiences that cannot be connected to a singular form of discrimination (140). Black women, for example, not just “experience double-discrimination” – meaning discriminations based on their gender and based on their race – but also a unique form of discrimination based on the combination of their race and gender, as Black women (Crenshaw 149). She gives the following example:
The singular focus on rape as a manifestation of male power over female sexuality tends to eclipse the use of rape as a weapon of racial terror. When Black women were raped by white males, they were being raped not as women generally, but as Black women specifically. (158)
In short, Black women’s identities intersect, and so does their experience of (double) discrimination. The same holds true for other doubly or multiply marginalized identities. According to Crenshaw, any discourse analyzing discrimination must therefore include and embrace an intersectional approach to identities to adequately portray experiences of oppression by the multiply marginalized and improve their structural origins (166-167).
Since Crenshaw’s interpretation clearly avows systemic levels of oppression due to gender, race, or class – or patriarchy, systemic racism, and capitalism – it was redefined by neoliberal ideology (Sara Salem 414). According to Sara Salem, intersectionality’s “radical” understanding transformed into a “‘catch-all’ feminist theory”, “sanitize[ed] by [neo]liberal feminism” (404). Thus, in classic neoliberal fashion the systemic component of oppression in intersectionality theory was removed, the concept essentially depoliticized and individuated to the extreme (Sara Salem 412). Nowadays, Salem argues, intersectionality is more so understood as ‘diversity’ – “undermin[ing] its radical potential” (404) and resignifying the concept as merely symbolic.
Marxist feminist scholars have provided the discourse with an alternate theory, which was heavily influenced by Crenshaws original conceptualization of intersectional theory, as a means to reacknowledge the effects of structural components on oppression (Titi Bhattacharya 111). Furthermore, they argue that this theory, referred to as social reproduction theory, ‘fixes’ an aporia the original concept by Crenshaw entailed: the ability to comment on a dialectic relation between race, class, and gender, rather than a solely external one (100, 110-111). This ability, as Tithi Bhattacharya argues*, enables scholars to understand how instead of being separate entities, they are all part of one system, “a complex social whole” that is “constitutive of every part, and each part as reciprocally constitutive of the other” (100).
*Drawing on Angela Davis‘s assertions that first suggested a dialectical connection of “black slavery, women’s oppression, and the economic exploitation of wage labor” and how it comprised one single system (Bhattacharya 110).
This means, for example, “that gender is [understood to be] constitutive of capitalism, not an accidental by-product” (Salem 410) Moreover, the social totality that dialectically relates to issues of race, class, and gender is understood to be “[global neoliberal] capitalism” (Bhattacharya 107).
Thus, many Marxist feminists argue that a critique of social inequalities must necessarily include a critique of global neoliberal capitalism and its effects. Furthermore, it is assumed that hegemonic systems such as patriarchy can only be dismantled or changed fundamentally if coinciding with the significant transformation of global capitalism (Bhattacharya 110-111). While intersectionality theory accounts for the intersection of patriarchy, capitalism, and racism, it perceives them as being historically produced separately from each other (Salem 410) and, therefore, does not make a distinction between capitalism as an economic model and a social totality – or even assumes for such a totality to exist (Bhattacharya 17). In a world that is experiencing neoliberalization in every social sphere, mostly without its subjects even being aware, this Marxist approach to intersectionality offers an opportunity to not only reclaim and repoliticize the concept, but also advances it to adequately criticize neoliberalism’s pervasive influence on all liberation movements.
2.4. Neoliberal Influences on Queer Theory and Homonormativity
Now that the ubiquitous influence of neoliberal thought on feminism has been illustrated in detail, it is necessary to briefly investigate its influence on another marginalized group: queer people. It should not be surprising that the effects are quite similar. Specifically, the focus on empowerment in relation to liberation has resonated with many involved in LGBTQ+ rights activism (Jon Binnie 244). It is a seemingly easy trade-off to be awarded with ‘liberation’ just by self-governing yourself in accordance with neoliberal rationality. Lisa Duggan further notes that queer movements have, historically, advocated against state control and a right for privacy – understandably so, taking the common discriminatory practices of state intervention of the past into account (in Binnie 244). However, this focus has made the movement susceptible to neoliberal rationale and can serve as an explanation as to why some of the community perceives neoliberal projects as liberatory rather than harmful (Binnie 244).
It is particularly important to look more closely at the concept of homonormativity, coined by Lisa Duggan. However, in order to do so, it is crucial to explain the term that preceded it, first: heteronormativity. This expression describes the assumption that heterosexuality is the default sexuality in a society (Federico Ferrari et al. 2). It is perceived as the “natural” way - sometimes the only, sometimes the “superior” way - to express one’s sexuality (Brandon Andrew Robinson 1). Heteronormativity typically supports the essentialist view of the gender binary (i.e., that there are only two genders) (Ferrari et al. 2) and supports all family concepts that further a heterosexual ‘way of life’ (Brandon Andrew Robinson 1). Thus, heteronormativity as such moves beyond simple cultural assumptions and actively influences systems structuring this culture (i.e. politics, laws etc.) to privilege expressions of heterosexual relations, e.g. marriage, monogamy, and childbearing (Brandon Andrew Robinson 1). At a time where marriage equality is protected by law in many countries and has been legalized for almost ten years in the United States, the latter part of the previous sentence might be cause for irritation. If queer people are legally allowed to marry and have children nowadays, how is heteronormativity still dominating our society? And how does this connect to neoliberalism?
Lisa Duggan observes in her 2003 book The Twilight of Equality? how the neoliberal project has increasingly depoliticized and individualized ‘gay rights’ activism (similar to the effects on feminist agendas and movements) (47-50). The focus has shifted from anti-systemic, anti-normative queer activism to empowerment politics (Duggan 47-50; Binnie 244), thus particularly focusing on “gay equality” (Duggan 47) within the context of a hegemonically heteronormative society. This understanding of equality is equated with having access to inherently heteronormative concepts such as marriage, monogamy, and the nuclear family ideal (Brandon Andrew Robinson 1). Duggan terms these developments “the new homonormativity” (50, emphasis in the original). According to her, it describes “a politics that does not contest dominant heteronormative assumptions and institutions, but upholds and sustains them”, whilesupporting a “privatized, depoliticized gay culture anchored in domesticity and consumption” (Duggan 50). In short, these new gay politics of the twenty-first century, informed by homonormativity, prioritize mainstream neoliberal rationale of the nuclear family as the most important site of consumption and social reproduction. Simultaneously they destabilize rights and protections outside of the reproductive sphere by abandoning critiques of governing systems and structures. It could be argued that homonormativity has become neoliberalism’s instrument to sustain the hegemonic position of heteronormativity and by extent its profiteers – patriarchy and capitalism.
2.5. Capitalist Realism in Contemporary Literature
Before entering the subsequent analysis of the novel, the effects of capitalist realism on contemporary literature need to be investigated. Similar to the previous Foucauldian iterations on neoliberal rationality and how it influences what we perceive as reality and the truth, Mark Fisher criticizes a different phenomenon he terms capitalist realism (Juliane Gamböck-Strätz 47). In doing so, he moves beyond the aforementioned neoliberal investigations in saying that not only is there a prevalent perception that neoliberal “capitalism is the only viable [...] system, but also that it is now impossible to imagine a coherent alternative to” this perceived reality (Mark Fisher 2; emphasis in the original). With this assertion he positions himself somewhat opposite of other Marxist scholars that support the belief that mere criticism of neoliberal capitalism (as a social totality) will be sufficient in abolishing the system. Consequentially, drawing on Fisher’s definition, such a radical shift will only be possible if anti-systemic critique morphs into imagining alternatives to neoliberal capitalism (2). Otherwise, as is already observable, “[feelings] of resignation” will remain on the forefront, which lead to the belief that “there is no point in struggling, [one] just need[s] to adapt” to the inescapable system (Jodi Dean and Mark Fisher 27).
Consequentially, this lack of imagination and consequence of adaption can also be observed in contemporary cultural products. In literature, for example, the failures of neoliberal capitalism are often presented as unavoidable, with protagonists and subjects within the narrative simply adapting to them (Gamböck-Strätz 57), often in ways that are detrimental to themselves and their freedom. In Corporeal Battlegrounds: Laboring Bodies and Capitalist Realism, Juliane Gamböck-Strätz states, drawing on Jaques-Henri Coste and Vincent Dussol, that capitalist realism heavily relies on fiction and narrative, due to American capitalism being reliant on a “perpetuation of fictions” because of its foundational “belief in American exceptionalism” (48). According to Coste and Dussol, narratives (or fictions) inherent to American exceptionalism, such as the bootstrap-narrative, frame and organize American capitalist practices (5f) and help to stabilize the capitalist system in times of crisis by imploring a shared belief system (Gamböck-Strätz 49). For this reason, Gamböck-Strätz summarizes that “representations, fictions, and narratives play a crucial role in the functioning of capitalism, and that literature and economics have more in common than what is often assumed” – underscoring the “importance of narratives”, and literature, in the perpetuation of neoliberal capitalism (50).
On a technical level, capitalist realist texts focus primarily on individual characters (or laboring bodies) and how these “subjects navigate capitalism as agents”, including their experiences with social and cultural settings and “identity formation” (Gamböck-Strätz 57; emphasis added). The focus is often solely on the individualized navigation of existent capitalist structures, not their abolishment nor their substitution. However, Gamböck-Strätz argues that within these confinements laboring bodies become “mediators” which allow for an exploration of the tensions of contemporary capitalism and can be “vehicles for critique” (58). It is precisely the depiction of these laboring bodies, fictions, and narratives, which will be the subject of the subsequent analysis.
3. The Seven Husbands of Evelyn Hugo
3.1. A Matter of Form and Method - Deconstructing Neoliberal Feminism
“The new chick lit genre [better known as new popular women’s literature] departs from traditional romance by celebrating an assertive female sexual pleasure and a glamorous cosmopolitan lifestyle of conspicuous consumption” (Eva Chen 441).
Before diving into the subsequent analysis, it is important to understand the basis on which this analysis is erected. While Taylor Jenkins Reid’s 2017 New York Times bestseller and BookTok phenomenon The Seven Husbands of Evelyn Hugo is widely considered to be historical fiction rather than a romance novel, it can still be situated in the genre of new popular women’s literature. The novel tells the life story of fictional, reclusive, Old Hollywood Icon Evelyn Hugo, who – at the age of 79 - chooses young, unknown magazine reporter Monique Grant as the biographer of her seemingly glamourous and scandalous life. The story moves through various decades, engaging with key events of Evelyn’s life – such as her secret queer relationship with fellow actor Celia St. James - while paralleling Monique’s experience with writing the biography and conversing with the former actor in the present day of 2017. Eva Chen’s aforementioned statement comments on the influence of neoliberal feminism on popular cultural products and offers a poignant, although fairly short, description of some of Evelyn Hugo’s neoliberal content. As will be obvious in the following analysis, the protagonists Evelyn Hugo and Monique Grant are celebrated for their assertiveness, perceived sexual and financial agency, and willing participation in neoliberal capitalist consumer and commodity culture. Although the novel problematizes some of these aspects through its narrative structure and paratext, it ultimately reinforces the neoliberal status quo.
Instantaneously, the reader is confronted with the underlying feminist convictions supposedly informing the novel. Jenkins Reid dedicates her novel to her daughter using the phrase “Smash the patriarchy, sweetheart” – making it clear before the reader even reads the first sentence of the actual story that they can expect a feminist, anti-patriarchal text. But can they? An attempt of an answer becomes increasingly more complex when not just looking at the text itself, but also the author’s own words at the end of the book. In her acknowledgments, Jenkins Reid does not reference any structural component anymore - instead she thanks her husband for encouraging her “to shout louder, dream bigger, and take less shit” (388) and advises her daughter to “grab what you want of this world with both hands” (389). One could raise the question then, whether the systemic reference is meant as a structural critique in the first place or if it can rather be understood as a hollow neoliberal feminist phrase, underscoring the neoliberal rationality informing the text. Although this question cannot be answered satisfactorily, it exemplifies some of the contradictions of contemporary feminist discourse and some of the contradictions within the narrative of Evelyn Hugo. What lies at the heart of these inconsistencies is the tension between systemic oppression and structural problems and marketized, depoliticized, individualized understandings of liberation, informed by a political, neoliberal rationality.
Evelyn Hugo essentially functions as a fictional autobiography since the narrative is structured around the writing process of Evelyn Hugo’s biography. The novel regularly switches between the perspectives of Monique Grant (the biographer) and Evelyn Hugo (the biographed), using homodiegetic, subjective narration with internal focalization. As an effect, the reader can deeply relate to and empathize with the protagonists’ actions and choices. By using this mode of narration, the focus remains on how these individual characters navigate the neoliberal capitalist system they exist in, limiting the possibility of including an overarching systemic critique through its inherently narrow and restricted perspective. However, drawing on Gamböck-Strätz’s argument, these individual laboring bodies (i.e. Evelyn and Monique) become mediators for criticism in Evelyn Hugo and enable an exploration of systemic tensions within neoliberal capitalism. Additionally, Monique’s chapters frequently include reflections on Evelyn’s life which then influence the readers perception of Evelyn’s persona. In short, the perceptions of the biographer Monique serve as an interpretational lens for the reader – since both are confronted with Evelyn’s story for the first time, from a contemporary perspective.
These chapters are sporadically interrupted by newspaper and tabloid articles, or blogposts, using an external focalization to depict the perspective of the social discourse surrounding the events of the story and to exemplify Evelyn’s success in her strategic manipulations. They also exemplify the neoliberal rationality embodied by the character of Evelyn and the text’s narrative structure: Whereas the articles published in Evelyn’s past function to reassert her choices as feminist and empowered ones that lead to her overall success, the articles from 2017 mainly function to create a neoliberal fantasy of our contemporary times. Notably, the past articles do contain sexism and misogyny but are ultimately never presented as hinging on systemic issues but rather naturalized cultural conditions (i.e. Jenkins Reid 99, 139). Nevertheless, how they are used narratively is what makes Hugo’s actions seem empowering to the reader. Every time Evelyn makes a questionable choice, a choice that many scholars would not view as feminist, a newspaper article is introduced to show how Evelyn’s cunning genius strategically manipulates the press to her advantage. It leaves the reader with the impression that Evelyn’s choice was indeed that of an empowered and feminist agent. The most poignant example is her seduction of, and (short-lived) marriage to singer Mick Riva (Jenkins Reid 174-181). At this point in the story, the press is speculating about her relationship to Celia, leading Evelyn to forge the following plan: “I’m going [...] to get him to elope with me, and then I’m going to have it annulled” (Jenkins Reid 172). While she essentially sells her body in exchange for a deflection of the circling rumors, this commodification is rewarded and by that framed as empowering: the subsequent article is titled “Riva and Hugo lose their minds” (Jenkins Reid 182) and does not mention Celia once.
The contemporary newspaper articles frame the narrative at the beginning and ending of the novel, introducing “film legend” Evelyn Hugo (Jenkins Reid 1) and concluding with an excerpt from her biography and an article reporting on her death (Jenkins Reid 382-385). Moreover, they function to frame our contemporary times as post-sexist and post-racist – at least structurally. In contrast to the past articles, they do not make sexist comments towards Evelyn, such as calling her “cold” (Jenkins Reid 99) for prioritizing her own needs over those of her second husband Don Adler or blaming her for leaving him “very unsatisified” (99; emphasis in the original). They rather put her on a pedestal and present her as, i.e. an “icon of glamour and elegance”, a “film legend”, and a “paragon of daring sexuality” (Jenkins Reid 1- 2). Right from the beginning, the reader is presented with this neoliberal fantasy narrative of our contemporary times, in which systemic equality is reached and women are feminist, empowered sexual and financial agents. Right from the beginning the reader is heavily influenced in their perception of Evelyn and what she is supposed to embody. The usage of newspaper articles in the text therefore reinforces a neoliberal feminist understanding of the character of Evelyn and by extent propagates its values.
Moreover, the novel is split in seven parts, each part named after one of Evelyn Hugo’s husbands. By structuring the book this way, each marriage signifies a different stage of Evelyn’s life, while emphasizing the importance of every single one of her heterosexual marriages for her life. Interestingly, her one homosexual marriage (although not legally
obtained) with Celia St. James does not get a separate partition, insinuating it is of lesser value than her heterosexual marriages. The narrative structure furthermore insinuates that Evelyn’s successful life is structured by men, directly contradicting its prior self-positioning as a feminist text.
In order to adequately focus on the neoliberal mindset prevalent in society when the fictional novel was first published in 2017, the following analytical framework will disregard most of the historical implications given by the various decades the novel moves through (1950s-2017). It is a metanalysis of the cultural ideology informing the narrative, using a poststructuralist, deconstructionist approach. Furthermore, it needs to be noted that the examination will mostly disregard other gender identities, besides those of man/woman, due to the limited scope of this thesis. Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge that various other gender identities exist and are not disavowed in the subsequent analysis.
3.2. Evelyn Hugo’s Neoliberal Negotiations with Freedom
Evelyn Hugo, who is a bisexual woman of Cuban decent, grows up in precarious socio- economic conditions in New York City’s Hell’s Kitchen in the 1940s and 1950s, under the name of Evelyn Herrera (Jenkins Reid 1-2). Her mother dies when she is eleven, leaving her with “an abusive father” (Jenkins Reid 43). From an early age Evelyn is confronted with sexualizing looks by the men she encounters (Jenkins Reid 43). Since she wants to change her socio-economic position and desires a career in Hollywood, she quickly chooses to commodify her body and utilize the impression she has on men to her strategic advantage (Jenkins Reid 43- 44). Through her first strategic marriage at the age of fifteen*, she manages to escape her situation and moves to Los Angeles in hopes of becoming a famous actor and moving upward (Jenkins Reid 44-45).
* She tells her first husband, who is 22 years of age at the time, that she is sixteen so that the marriage is considered legal.
From there on out, whenever she encounters a bump in her career or a situation that could later threaten her position as a desirable, famous actor, she either marries a man in a position of power or creates a fake scandal for the tabloids and magazines. The narrative superficially emphasizes how her choices enable her to climb the social ladder, seemingly liberate her and situate her as an active, assertive feminist subject with sexual and financial agency. On the surface, her decisions lead to her freedom – it is a story about empowerment. However, the narrative comes with a twist: when asked who the love of her life really was, she does not name any of her seven husbands – she names fellow actor Celia St. James (Jenkins Reid 123). It is made clear, that the motivation for her biography is Evelyn’s desire to finally come out to society as a bisexual woman (Jenkins Reid 124), to finally embrace the freedom to be herself entirely. Looked at from this perspective, the question needs to be raised whether Evelyn Hugo was ever free at all during her lifetime and her time in the spotlight. One could argue that the adoption of neoliberal rationality leads Evelyn to prioritize a marketized version of individual freedom occupied with maximizing one’s own human capital, which in turn ends up restricting her other freedoms deemed unimportant by neoliberal feminism.
Evelyn’s comments from her contemporary perspective acknowledge that she somewhat regrets not coming out sooner, hurting Celia by sleeping with or marrying other men to keep her socioeconomic standing and overall prioritizing financial gain and success over her relationship and identity. In one of her final conversations with Monique, she states:
That’s how my story ends. With the loss of everyone I have ever loved. With me, in a big, beautiful Upper East Side apartment, missing everyone who ever meant anything to me. [...] I don’t love this apartment, [...] I don’t care about all my money [...] the adoration of millions never warmed my bed. (Jenkins Reid 358)
Evelyn is clearly conflicted about her neoliberal decision making, which translates to the final statements she makes about her life to Monique. While she claims all the responsibility for her situation, stating “I got it wrong. [...] I chose the wrong things most of the time” (Jenkins Reid 358), she simultaneously negates having regrets about a lot of these choices. She tells Monique: “Of all the things I did to protect my family, I would do every one again” (Jenkins Reid 359; emphasis in the original). Whereas some of her choices are problematized retrospectively, some are framed as aspirational – exemplifying Evelyn’s inner conflict while simultaneously attributing the responsibility for both to Hugo as an individual agent.
In situations like these Evelyn always blames herself for ‘choosing wrong’ instead of acknowledging her structural context that forced her to make these choices. When the Stonewall Riots are mentioned in the novel, for example, Evelyn states her regret of not publicly joining the rioters (Jenkins Reid 235-237). While it is stated that she is unable to do so, because that would endanger her secret relationship with Celia and her gay friends, the reason for her inability is reduced to naturalized anti-LGBTQ+ social “attitudes” prevalent at the time rather than the simultaneously prevalent structural oppression of queer people (Jenkins Reid 234). She furthermore concludes that she is responsible for her inability to offer public support of the riots, since she “[is] sitting in a golden prison of [her] own making” (Jenkins Reid 235; emphasis added). While her regret can superficially be interpreted as a critique of neoliberal rationality’s focus on economic freedom and embracing the homo economicus, it paradoxically simultaneously plays into the narrative of neoliberal feminisms focus on choice and reinforces this focus as her personal failure rather than a failure of the overarching ideology informing her.
In short, Evelyn’s negotiations with freedom are one example of the failed critique of neoliberalism in the text, since they are simultaneously criticizing decisions informed by neoliberal ideology while reinforcing an individuated concept of decision making that is disconnected from its context – and by that reinforcing key neoliberal understanding.
3.2.1. Of Marriage and Men in Evelyn Hugo’s Life
Seven husbands, eight marriages, one child. Evelyn Hugo has structured her entire life around heteronormative institutions. However, while she utilizes these normative concepts and structures her life around them, the extreme extent to which she uses them, particularly the patriarchal institution of marriage, and how she does so is emblematic of the neoliberal feminist rationality informing her character and her resulting actions.
Evelyn’s aspirations to acquire economic and individual freedom by becoming a famous Hollywood actor are continuously emphasized throughout the novel. Additionally, her tool to achieve these freedoms – marriage – is solely framed as a product of her personal choice. She is always presented as an active, empowered agent rather than a passive woman oppressed by the system. This is not just underscored by her very frequent use of the word choice when conversing with Monique about her past, but also by Monique’s reflections on these conversations. Throughout the novel Monique perceives Evelyn as a confident, empowered, and opportunistic women and generally aspires to become like her. Since her chapters often function as a focal point for the reader, this is the image of Evelyn that remains on the forefront.
Her striving to improve (and keep) her socioeconomic position is the reason for almost all of her heteronormative marriages. As described, Evelyn marries Ernie Diaz so she can move to Hollywood. She starts meeting fellow actor Don Adler because it is “the best thing to do for [her] career” (Jenkins Reid 61) and stays with her abusive second husband partly for the same reason. Then, as previously illustrated, she manipulates Mick Riva into a marriage to uphold her heterosexual image. When the first movie she is producing is about to be a financial failure, she does “the one thing [...] that [will] get people desperate to see the movie” (Jenkins Reid 193) – she marries her co-star, Rex North. Evelyn proceeds to marry her gay confidante Harry later in life, to hide their respective queer relationships and keep their statuses. Finally, she marries Celia St. James’s brother, Robert Jamison, towards the end of their lives for the same reasons.
The emphasis on personal choice, particularly in the context of advancing one’s own human capital, is not the only aspect of the underlying neoliberal feminist notions informing the text and Evelyn’s reliance on heteronormative institutions. The relevance of systemic oppression is ignored, as well. This is particularly prevalent when examining the depiction of Hugo’s second marriage to the abusive Hollywood actor Don Adler (Jenkins Reid 71-139). His violent behavior is continuously attributed to his character and framed as an individual problem or rather a problem some men ‘just have’- as Evelyn states: “be wary of men with something to prove” (Jenkins Reid 76). When they meet again fifteen years after their marriage ended, Don still excuses his behavior with an alcohol addiction – stating “I was drunk Evelyn. I know that now” (Jenkins Reid 255). The issue of patriarchal violence is individualized and naturalized and by that trivialized.
Notably, there is a montage of scenes of Don’s continuous violent behavior that could be interpreted as an acknowledgment of systemic gender-based violence, due to a sudden use of third-person pronouns. While Evelyn usually uses ‘I’ to refer to herself, within this montage Jenkins Reid consistently makes her use the generic version of ‘you’ to create distance between her individual experience and the events that are unfolding: “A man hits you once andapologizes, and you think it will never happen again.” (Jenkins Reid 81). After narrating her abuse this way, Jenkins Reid lets Evelyn swiftly transition back to speaking about herself in the first person by explaining “that’s the part I was stuck in, the part where you accept the apology because it’s easier (...)” (Jenkins Reid 82). This change in narration is used to clarify that domestic violence is a common experience for women rather than an individual one of Evelyn’s. Yet, it is framed as a naturalized inevitable social and cultural reality – something that some men “with something to prove” just happen to do (Jenkins Reid 76). The text still fails to acknowledge the existence of patriarchal structures and their relation to gender-based domestic violence, thereby making it impossible to call for a systemic change that would improve the freedom of all people affected by this form of patriarchal violence.
Moreover, Evelyn frames herself as responsible for not making the choice of leaving Don because she loves him, and the marriage elevates her status in Hollywood (Jenkins Reid 84). This reinforces the notion that women experiencing violence from men are to blame for their situation. Furthermore, domestic violence against women is framed as a thing of the past when Evelyn tells Monique that “[she] wasn’t the only women being hit back then” (Jenkins Reid 79, emphasis added). Thus, this plays into the neoliberal narrative informed by postfeminist sensibilities of having already overcome systemic issues of sexism and misogyny, which is of course not reflexive of reality.
During her marriage to Don, Evelyn meets and falls in love with Celia St. James. From this point on she has another motivation for marrying heterosexual men – protecting her secret relationship and avoiding losing her career and fame over it. When understanding freedom neoliberally, Evelyn can still be considered a free agent in this case because she is still acting according to neoliberal, marketized rational. However, this understanding also forces her to keep her sexual orientation and relationship private – essentially confining her true identity to the private sphere and therefore restricting her personal freedom, a freedom not tied to neoliberal, economic reasoning. With the introduction of Celia to the narrative, Evelyn’s neoliberal approach to freedom is problematized and becomes representative of the tensions experienced by marginalized people within neoliberal capitalism.
When her gay best friend and confidante Harry – a successful film producer – also has a secret queer relationship with a man named John, the quadruplet decides to marry each other (in a heterosexual sense) and move into houses next to each other so they can live with their true partners in private. During this time Evelyn and Harry decide to have a child, since they both want to be parents (Jenkins Reid 242-243). Celia and John (Harry’s partner) are specifically excluded from this family concept, with Celia not wanting to be greatly involved at all (Jenkins Reid 244-245), which promotes the traditional, heteronormative family by favoring it over a queer family structure. Additionally, during the first months after Connor’s birth, Celia and John are absent, reinforcing the heteronormative, neoliberal ideal of the nuclear family represented by Harry and Evelyn (Jenkins Reid 248). The novel states that Evelyn, Harry and their daughter Connor are acting like a family of three with Evelyn specifically observing that “[they] lived almost exactly a traditional married couple” (Jenkins Reid 248). It is also hinted at, that Evelyn enjoys this family concept and is even disappointed for a short time when Celia returns and disrupts their traditional family dynamic (Jenkins Reid 249) – by that promoting the heteronormative nuclear family ideal supported by neoliberal ideology.
Later in Evelyn’s life, with periods of separation in between and after years of being reunited, she finally ‘marries’ Celia (Jenkins Reid 348). Although the marriage is just of symbolic nature, it could be argued that it is an example of homonormativity, as explained by Lisa Duggan. For once, Evelyn is able to live however she wants to with whomever she wants to, and still chooses to utilize the same institutions that have been used to oppress her and her wife. This underscores the argument made by Lisa Duggan that the co-option of the queer
movement by neoliberal rationality has privatized issues of queer liberation and reinforces heteronormative ideals.
As stated prior, the novel is structured according to Hugo’s seven heterosexual marriages. This essentially leaves the reader with the impression that her heterosexual marriages had a significant impact on her life. Not only does that reinforce the heteronormative status quo by naturalizing and supporting the institution of marriage itself, but it also does so by making it seem like her homonormative marriage (the only one she enters without any ulterior motive) had no relevant impact on her life. This becomes even more obvious when examining the title of the novel: The Seven Husbands of Evelyn Hugo. The emphasis is put on the husbands. Celia is not even acknowledged, again. Furthermore, the title puts the entire focus of Evelyn’s life achievements on her marriages, which supports the patriarchal idea of traditional gender roles and is in itself – separate from neoliberal ideology – detrimental to women’s freedom. While this is acknowledged in the last paragraphs of the story, it is resituated as a feminist act. When Monique justifies her choice of title, she recounts the moment, she asked Evelyn “Doesn’t it bother you (...) that all anyone talks about when they talk about you are the seven husbands of Evelyn Hugo” (Jenkins Reid 385). Which is followed by Evelyn’s reply “No, (...) they are just husbands. I am Evelyn Hugo” (385; emphasis in the original). Keeping in mind that this is the second to last sentence of the entire novel, it is supposed to leave the reader with a feeling of empowerment and a generally admiring feeling towards the character of Evelyn. It further serves to reframe the choice as feminist – exposing the text’s neoliberal feminist notions one final time. Nevertheless, it could be argued that the phrasing is a subversion of the patriarchal tendency to refer to women as ‘the wife of’ - framing them as passive subordinates of their husbands - which would indeed reassert it as a feminist choice. However, this attempt ultimately fails, not just because of the aforementioned shift of discourse around Evelyn’s achievements, but also because the chosen phrasing grammatically makes the husbands the subjects and therefore the agents, rather than Evelyn. The effect this choice has cannot be a feminist one, since it reinforces a patriarchal, pre-neoliberal understanding of women as passive subjects without agency.
Finally, the nuclear family Evelyn builds with Harry is representative of the ‘happy’ work-family balance propagated in neoliberal feminism. Once her daughter is born, Evelyn is able to easily and ‘happily’ master the balance of combining her work and her family. It is never once questioned, nor do any problems arise for her. The reasons for this are, for one, her by this point very much improved socio-economic position and for two, the resulting ability to rely on the help of racialized female labor. After Connor’s birth, Evelyn relies heavily on the help of her Cuban maid Luisa (Jenkins Reid 248) and it is, I argue, only due to this ability of leaning on another woman’s labor that she is able to reenter the Hollywood film industry shortly after becoming a mother. This exemplifies the argument Nancy Fraser has made when problematizing neoliberal feminist notions of leaning in and creating a happy work-family balance - it is a standard that can usually only be fulfilled by privileged, white women.
* While Evelyn is of Cuban decent, she hides her identity and is perceived as white by society. She, therefore, also profits from white privilege.
The texts implementation of heteronormative concepts such as marriage and neoliberally supported notions of family and work-family life, as represented by Evelyn, propagate a neoliberal feminist way of navigating the world.
3.2.2. Navigating Complex Intersectional Identities
The question this thesis attempts to answer by analyzing Evelyn Hugo is whether a neoliberal mindset can truly lead to freedom for marginalized people, particularly within the social totality of neoliberal capitalism. Capitalist realist literature focuses primarily on how individual characters navigate a capitalist world full of daily tensions and inconsistencies. In the considered text, the character of Evelyn is - as a bisexual woman of Cuban decent - a multiply marginalized character, navigating these contradictions. To be financially successful she must hide her heritage and her sexuality from the public. It has been established how her efforts to protect her secret relationship with Celia and her bisexual identity have restricted her personal freedom to embrace her true identity - essentially ending the one relationship that allowed her to be truly herself, even if only in the private sphere.
Additionally, Evelyn further restricts her personal freedom, again due to upward mobility and self-optimization, by hiding her Cuban roots for most of her life. Initially, this decision is influenced by external voices that claim Hugo is simply “not the right type” for the movies she wants to work in and that these parts need to be cast with a “nice blond girl” (Jenkins Reid 48). In coherence with Evelyn’s opportunistic nature, she quickly accepts this as reality and willingly agrees to a change her appearance and invent a new, white personal background (Jenkins Reid 50). Her external ‘transformation’ is described extensively, almost reminiscent of a stereotypical ‘make-over’ scene, starting with someone bleaching her hair and ending with Evelyn stating that “an elocutionist [...] banished Spanish entirely” (50). Afterwards, the studio asks her to sit down for “at least a hundred publicity photos” (50). Evelyn comments: “Me with my new blond hair [...]. You wouldn’t believe the things they made me model” (50). With this portrayal of her ‘transformation’ and the reaction of her employers, whiteness is not only presented as preferred, but this notion is simultaneously not problematized – presenting this restriction of Evelyn’s individual freedom as something positive, as long as it ensures her success. The systemic racism in the entertainment industry is presented as a non-structural, inevitable reality that simply needs the right individual adaption, exemplifying again the neoliberal mechanism to ignore structural factors.
Although Evelyn did not initiate this process herself and simply went along, she becomes complicit in the imprisonment of her own identity by not fighting against the erasure of her heritage. She contemplates speaking Spanish again when she and Don Adler shoot a movie in Mexico: “I was unsure if I should speak Spanish to the local people” (Jenkins Reid 75). Although a rather short contemplation, it exemplifies how torn she is about her true identity and how aware she is of the possible consequences for revealing it. This awareness keeps her from following her instincts, so she ends up “speaking slow, overenunciated English to everyone” (Jenkins Reid 75). In fact, she never tries to speak her other mother tongue again until her Spanish-speaking maid Luisa from El Salvador is introduced much later in the story. Upon their first meeting, Evelyn makes a point of replying in Spanish, but quickly switches back to English because she does not like “how strange it sound[s] coming out of [her] own mouth” (Jenkins Reid 198). Luisa is surprised to learn of Hugo’s Cuban heritage, which leads Evelyn to the conclusion that she is responsible for the erasure of her own identity: “I had done it to me. I’d made the choice to be different from my true self. (...) That was all me. All the results of my own choices” (198). Pretending to be a white American for so many years has her conflicted with her own identity. Although she begins to realize, through Luisa, that she was essentially hiding her true self, she concludes that she herself is to blame, instead of the impossibility of being as successful as white women in Hollywood due to systemic racism within neoliberal capitalism.
Nevertheless, she does not attempt to reclaim her Cuban identity after this interaction, she even stops speaking Spanish to Luisa entirely (Jenkins Reid 199). She also mentions that she is envious of Luisa’s ability to proudly “be her true self” (199) – insinuating that she lacks this ability. What she completely disregards, however, is the fact that Luisa occupies a working- class profession typically performed by racialized women. Her vocation thus enables her or rather even expects her to embrace her heritage, whereas Evelyn’s occupation does not afford her the same ‘luxury’ – yet both are restricted in their choices due to systemic racism. In the scene, however, the responsibility is individualized and marginalized identities are presented as ‘in control’ of their own oppression – Evelyn blames herself for hiding her heritage to improve her socio-economic position, while simultaneously envying Luisa for her ‘choice’ to not do so. This exemplifies again how Evelyn Hugo embodies the neoliberal rationality of a neoliberal feminist agent, unable to see beyond individual responsibilities and to acknowledge external factors. What is also disregarded is the fact that by leaning on and relying on racialized female labor, Evelyn is complicit in her own exploitation. It is this reliance that enables her to strive in her work environment as a ‘white’ woman. However, it is also this reliance of white women on racialized female labor that reinforces these low-income professions typically associated with care work as racialized work, which simply increases the same racial stereotypes that prevent Evelyn from embracing her Cuban American identity. Evelyn’s and Luisa’s relationship can therefore also be viewed as emblematic of the dialectic relationship between race/class/gender and neoliberal capitalism described by social reproduction theory.
As is obvious by the newspaper articles reporting on Evelyn Hugo in 2017 and finally her published biography in the end, her Cuban heritage is public knowledge during contemporary times – meaning that Hugo did reclaim her identity at some point. This insinuates that being a PoC woman stopped being a hinderance to a successful career in the film industry – again propagating a neoliberal fantasy of our modern times rather than a depiction of reality.*
* The hashtag #OscarsSoWhite and the surrounding debate in 2015 are only one contemporary example predating the events of the novel, that contradict this neoliberal assumption (“#oscarssowhite: The Call for Racial Diversity in Hollywood”).
Moreover, Evelyn never reclaims the name her mother gave her, the name that evidently ties her to her migrant roots: Herrera. Her reasoning for her biography is that she wants to tell her entire life story, including “how she compromised herself” (Jenkins Reid 26). Although this awards her with the perfect opportunity to reclaim her identity by asking Monique to use her born name for the biography, Evelyn Herrera, she never does so. By not using the title to completely reclaim her intersectional identity, she ensures a higher profit margin for the publishing rights of the biography – making one of her final decisions another one in accordance with neoliberal marketized rationality. Since everyone is fascinated by “film legend” (Jenkins Reid 1) Evelyn Hugo but no one knows or would be interested in obtaining a book by Evelyn Herrera, the rights would presumably not achieve a high compensation.
To conclude, Evelyn’s prioritization of economic freedom leads her to sacrifice the freedom to live her entire, true identity. It is simultaneously, in accordance with neoliberal feminism, framed as her choice and her responsibility and disregards dialectic relations of systemic structures influenced by neoliberal capitalism.
3.2.3. Commodifying the Body - a Feminist Act?
Late-stage capitalist commodity culture led, encouraged by neoliberal ideology, to a commodification of all aspects of life. In combination with the neoliberal feminist production of self-actualizing financial and sexual feminist agents, the commodification of the female body is resignified as a feminist act.
In Evelyn Hugo, this phenomenon is not simply observable but the main focus of Evelyn’s life story. It is the reason for her economic success and her tool to navigate the patriarchal, capitalist hegemony she exists in. Starting from the age of thirteen, still in a precarious socio-economic position at the time, Evelyn is sexualized by the men she encounters. Oftentimes these men are grown adults (Jenkins Reid 43), as Evelyn remembers: “I was five foot eight, with [...] long legs, light bronze skin, and a chest that pulled at the buttons of my dresses. Grown men were watching me walk down the street [...] (Jenkins Reid 43). Instead of presenting it as the sexualization of a minor and calling out potential perpetrators, Evelyn puts the responsibility on herself. She trivializes their gaze by stating that she simply had “a sexuality in [her] body that [her] mind wasn’t ready for” (43). While her first intimate encounters are with underaged boys, she never initiates them or even wants to participate: “I didn’t want him to kiss me. [...] But he held on to my arm. [...] I knew he was going to get what he wanted from me whether I let him or not” (43). She very clearly describes an experience of sexual assault, and she does so retrospectively as a 79-year-old woman. Instead of commenting on the systemic issue of sexual violence against women (and minors) as a patriarchal tool of oppression and an example of patriarchal violence, however, Evelyn’s reaction is framed as empowering – it is the first scene of this nature that introduces her as an opportunistic, assertive financial feminist agent. She concludes: “I had two choices. I could do it for free. Or I could do it for free candy” (43). She further says that “there was one other boy like that [...] before I started realizing that I could be the one doing the choosing. [...] I wasn’t interested in anyone sexually. But I did want something” (Jenkins Reid 44; emphasis in the original). From this point on, whenever she wants to achieve something, get a certain role in a movie or create a scandal for the press to divert attention, she does so by commodifying her body. To her, exchanging sex for opportunities is simply making “a trade” (Jenkins Reid 49). It is always framed as her choice, her responsibility and by that represented as empowering and feminist while simultaneously lacking structural critique.
After this she uses her body to seduce her first husband to get to Hollywood, which qualifies as the start of the commodification of her body that is framed as liberating for her and most often initiated by her. To get the role that jumpstarts her career at the age of seventeen, for example, she strategically ‘seduces’ a 48-year-old studio executive, who has “a fetish for orally pleasing underage girls” (Jenkins Reid 49). The latter strongly indicates predatory behavior of said executive, but the usage of the word fetish trivializes and naturalizes not only sexual violence against minors, but also patriarchal rape culture as a whole. By narratively framing it beforehand as a seduction initiated by Evelyn and stating afterwards that she “was happy to be there” (Jenkins Reid 49), the responsibility of the interaction is put on a seemingly empowered Evelyn. However, depicting it this way also plays into the misogynistic narrative propagated by patriarchy that successful women ‘screw their way to the top’.
The Seven Husbands of Evelyn Hugo somewhat problematizes Evelyn’s commodification of her body when she states that she regrets the decisions that hurt her queer relationship with Celia St. James. After their secret love affair is pondered about by the press, Evelyn seduces Mick Riva to diverge the interest of the media, without informing Celia beforehand (Jenkins Reid 174-185). Celia breaks up with her in return, stating that she is leaving her because Evelyn “let[s] men screw [her] for fame (Jenkins Reid 188). She leaves her the first time precisely because of Hugo’s commodification of her body, voicing criticism of her neoliberal choices. Simultaneously, her wording reproduces the misogynistic narrative mentioned before, and therefore actively perpetuates the oppressive system of neoliberal capitalism. Furthermore, within this scene, Evelyn justifies her actions by telling Celia: “I am willing to do what it takes to make a world for us” (188) – illustrating how she perceives her body as a resource she can sell to get the freedom she wants. Reflecting on her actions in modern times, Evelyn tells Monique that “I regret every stupid thing I did that caused her an ounce of pain. [...] I should have begged her to stay. I should have apologized [...]” (Jenkins Reid 192). Notably, Evelyn simply regrets not reacting to the break-up in the right way, not the action itself, even years after the event. So, while there is a slight critique of that specific commodifying action of Evelyn’s, it is not the action itself that is criticized.
After this first break-up with Celia, Evelyn confides in her best friend Harry Cameron. In this conversation, her strategic commodification is framed as something all women should aspire to when Harry states: “Imagine if every single woman on the planet wanted something in exchange when she gave up her body. You’d all be ruling the place” (Jenkins Reid 190).
Even more, it is presented as the ultimate solution to achieve liberation for all women. The clear message for the reader is: if you commodify yourself and realize the labor-value of your body, you will be liberated. Including the various other described situations in which the commodification of her self is framed as empowering, the aforementioned critique is rendered hollow.
Evelyn’s continuous commodification of her own body is thus not only framed as a feminist act made by a sexually empowered female agent, again underscoring the neoliberal feminist ideology - it also trivializes sexual violence against women and minors. In doing so it is actively harmful to the liberation of women and supportive of the widely criticized rape culture, particularly prevalent in the entertainment industry of the US. How the novel deals with the matter of bodily commodification therefore propagates neoliberal feminism, while simultaneously reaffirming the heteronormative, patriarchal status quo and harming women’s freedom in the process.
3.3. Financial Success and Leaning In – The Liberating Promise of Economic Freedom, Individual Responsibility, and Female Representation
Throughout the novel, as mentioned prior, Evelyn’s accounts of her life story are intertwined with chapters focusing on Monique and her experiences while writing Hugo’s biography. It has been established that Monique’s perception parallels the reader’s and represents a contemporary perspective. During the writing process, Monique is influenced by Evelyn’s assertive, confident and opportunistic nature – leading to her transformation into the same financially successful neoliberal subject by the end, therefore propagating the ideology embodied by Evelyn Hugo, and eroding any previous criticism.
Before Monique starts writing Hugo’s biography, she has multiple conversations with her employer Frankie – a confident Black woman – who owns the magazine Monique is working for. Monique notes that she sees Frankie as a role model, partly because she is biracial herself. She states that it is “very inspiring [...] having a black woman running things” (Jenkins Reid 3) and that Frankie makes her feel like she “can one day run things, too” (3). It is set up from the start that Monique aspires to become a famous journalist. However, she repeatedly states that she “need[s] to work on [her] confidence” and that she believes this to be the reason for why she has not had a big career yet (Jenkins Reid 7). She also notes that “if [she] wants things to change, [she] has to change how [she] does things” (7; emphasis added). Not only does her perception of Frankie underscore Sandberg’s assertion that female representation in positions of power leads to a trickle-down effect, but her perception of herself and what is necessary to become successful as a biracial woman plays into Sandberg’s notion of leaning in. Monique even states that kindness has not gotten her far and that the “world respects people who think they should be running it” (Jenkins Reid 8) – thus reinforcing the neoliberal idea that she just has to change herself into a more active and assertive woman to be successful. Notably, the usage of people in this case presupposes that it is universally applicable, ignoring systemic inequalities and exposing the text’s underlying neoliberal ideology.
During the process of writing the biography, Evelyn takes Frankie’s place as a role model for Monique. From the moment she meets Evelyn Hugo, Monique Grant is fascinated by her persona and charisma, describing Hugo as “powerful” and “enchanting” (Jenkins Reid 20), while she herself is overwhelmed with the situation and noticeably “anxious” (Jenkins Reid 24). Throughout their conversations, then, Evelyn encourages her to be more opportunistic and assertive. During their first meeting, the relationship dynamic of both protagonists is already established: Monique is posited as the student, Evelyn as the teacher. One of the first forms of advice Evelyn gives to Monique is of financial nature. She asserts that once Monique sells the biography she needs to be “ruthless [when] negotiating” and tells her to “make [her] pay what they would pay a white man” (Jenkins Reid 27). This reinforces, again, the notion that (Black) women simply have to lean in to be paid what they deserve, and it will be so. The responsibility to be appropriately financially compensated for her work is placed entirely on Monique and ignores any other structural factors that might hinder her in her endeavor. While the addition of white man somewhat acknowledges differences in salaries due to perceived race and gender, it posits the solution to eradicating these differences on individual self-improvement.
Monique is hesitant in taking Evelyn’s advice at first, partly due to her belief that she owes something to Frankie. The conversation turns into a debate at whose end Evelyn reminds her of the enormous opportunity this biography would be for Monique. At this point, Hugo says the sentence that partly lent itself as the title of this thesis: “Learn how to grab life by the balls, dear” (Jenkins Reid 30). Not only does this sentence finally convince Monique and lets her see this as a chance to improve her socio-economic position, it also perfectly encapsulates the neoliberal feminist ideology informing the novel and simultaneously its upholding of patriarchal structures. The use of learn implies that Monique simply needs to self-improve and learn “to do [...] the smart thing” to be successful (Jenkins Reid 30). In combination with the imperative to “grab life by the balls” (30), it reflects the assertions made by Sandberg about women simply having to learn to lean in in order to be promoted into positions of power.
Moreover, it can be interpreted as Evelyn’s first attempt to influence Monique to become an active, confident, opportunistic feminist agent – a ‘girlboss’ – like herself. Finally, the expression Evelyn uses to give her neoliberal advice paradoxically simultaneously exemplifies how neoliberal influences can harm liberation movements by upholding the oppressive status quo. Having or grabbing something by the balls is synonymous with having “complete power over [a situation]” (“Have Someone by the Balls”). The expression as it is used by Evelyn is patriarchal because it equates male genitalia with power and because it implies that life itself is male. Thus, Evelyn uses patriarchal language to advise Monique to act in a neoliberally feminist way – which in turn upholds the oppressive structures she tells her to overcome. This further serves as an example for the argument made prior, drawing on Mark Fisher, that you cannot change the system from within the system. Only by imagining alternatives can existent systems be changed, particularly neoliberal capitalist ones – and this imagination includes using inclusive language.
After Monique agrees to write Evelyn’s biography, she reminds her that she is “not a biographer” (Jenkins Reid 34). Evelyn looks at her “pointedly” and replies with “Let me explain something to you” (34), followed by a short anecdote of her childhood and manipulation of Ernie Diaz, her first husband, that enabled her to move to Hollywood. She finishes her account with the following advice to Monique:
Do you understand what I‘m telling you? When you’re given an opportunity to change your life, be ready to do whatever it takes to make it happen. The world doesn’t give you things, you take things. If you learn one thing from me, it should probably be that. [...] You’ve never been a biographer before, but you are one starting now. (Jenkins Reid 35; emphasis in the original)
By using the phrase “if you learn one thing from me” (35; emphasis added), Evelyn confirms her narrative positioning as Monique’s teacher. While Monique just agrees with her advice at this point, she does learn from it, as is observable when they meet again. After their next writing session Evelyn asks her if she “can make a story out of [her life]”, to which Monique replies “I can do anything” (Jenkins Reid 54) – signifying how Evelyn’s advice is already bearing fruit. Evelyn encourages this development by calling her “good girl” (54). Even in the early stages of the writing process, Monique’s attempt to become a neoliberal feminist agent like her, and Evelyn’s ‘agenda’ to achieve the same is observable.
Later in the process, Monique has an uncomfortable conversation with her other role model and employer, Frankie. She informs her about Evelyn’s biography, specifically that she will write it without associations to Frankie’s magazine. However, she also wants to keep her job as a journalist for this magazine – even more, she wants to be promoted. Before this conversation she is self-conscious about how to convince Frankie but concludes “why shouldn’t it be me who comes out on top” (Jenkins Reid 142). Then she proceeds to confidently state the situation and what she expects from Frankie in return. She does not ask for it, she simply asserts “I want to be promoted. [...] I come and go as I please. I choose the stories I want to tell” (Jenkins Reid 143). After Frankie agrees to her conditions, Monique asks for a raise while thinking “Evelyn said [...] that I have to insist on being paid top dollar” (Jenkins Reid 144). Not only is Monique clearly transforming into a more assertive and confident woman, she also does so while reminiscing about past ‘lessons’ from Evelyn – demonstrating how this development would not be possible without the representation of a powerful woman in her life.
This is further underscored shortly after when Monique needs to convince Evelyn to cooperate with Frankie’s magazine in order to get the desired promotion. Instead of simply trying to be assertive, Monique states “I have to ‘Evelyn Hugo’, Evelyn Hugo” (Jenkins Reid 146), insinuating that she associates this particular behavior with her mentor. Once Evelyn agrees to her conditions, Monique states “I am learning from the best” (Jenkins Reis 174), confirming that Evelyn has inspired this change in her. This exchange underlines the importance of Evelyn’s influence on Monique and simultaneously highlights the first moment Monique surpasses her teacher.
Monique and Evelyn’s narrative positioning as a student/teacher relationship is brought to a successful close by the end of the novel and the writing process, when Monique finally becomes a neoliberal feminist agent like Evelyn. She states: “some old version of me is leaking out [...] making room for a new me. One that is stronger and somehow both more cynical about people and also more optimistic about my place in the world” (Jenkins Reid 378). This not only signifies the change Evelyn induced but also Monique’s final adoption of a neoliberal feminist mindset. Before, she simply imitated Evelyn’s behavior, but now she has fully transformed herself. Her ‘new version’ is stronger and feels more empowered and hopeful in navigating her life while also being aware of the negative aspects and inequalities. However, by reducing the latter to cynicsm about people, systemic oppression is disregarded and perceived injustices are individualized, reinforcing the neoliberal narrative and Monique’s position as that of a neoliberal feminist described by Catherine Rottenberg.
Having Monique basically transform into the character of Evelyn Hugo at the end of the story, without problematizing the transformation and even idealizing this change, frames it as an inspirational act for the reader and propagates neoliberal feminist ideas. Furthermore, since Monique functions as a focal point for the reader, her position as a student simultaneously becomes the position of the reader. It is not just Monique who ‘attends the teachings’ of Evelyn Hugo, it is also the reader. As a result, it is possible that the reader will experience the same transformation by the end of the story. While the novel has moments of criticism of neoliberalism and sometimes shows how it can restrict freedom instead of enabling it through its narrative and Evelyn, Monique and Hugo’s relationship and Monique’s idealized development into the ‘perfect’ neoliberal feminist agent reinforces a neoliberal fantasy and renders the previous moments of critique hollow. This failed attempt at criticism further speaks to the assertion made prior that simply being anti-systemic or voicing disapproval will not abolish neoliberal capitalism; instead, it will necessarily perpetuate the same system.
3.4. Neoliberal Feminism – A Death Sentence?
Lastly, it is important to examine how the motif of death is used within the narrative of Evelyn Hugo to illustrate the limits of neoliberalist ideology when it comes to offering freedom concepts that extend beyond a marketized and financialized logic. Although this critique ultimately fails due to the portrayal of Monique, it is still important to examine how the novel attempts to problematize some aspects of neoliberal rationality, particularly in connection to the queer characters in the story.
When Monique first meets Evelyn towards the end of her life, it is quickly clarified that Hugo is the only one of her family that is still alive (Jenkins Reid 1; 13). Throughout the novel, then, Evelyn recalls all the deaths she has witnessed during her lifetime. Coincidentally, all these deaths, besides that of her daughter, are deaths of queer characters. One could attribute this to the fact that Evelyn’s inner circle simply consists of queer people. I argue, however, that the narrative positioning of these deaths functions as a critique of the limitations imposed on the freedom of these characters. How they die is irrelevant to this particular observation. The only cause of death with relevance is that of Evelyn’s, as will be illustrated. Notably, each death happens shortly after being preceded by a choice that somewhat attempts liberation for the queer character in question and therefore would or does disturb the heteronormative social order.
The first to die is John Braverman, Harry’s partner and Celia’s (former) husband (Jenkins Reid 273). Narratively, John dies directly after Celia divorces him because her secret relationship with Evelyn has ended and there is no need for her to continue a fake relationship (Jenkins Reid 267-268). Before his death, the former quadruplet has the following relationship statuses: Celia is single and unmarried, Evelyn is single but married to Harry, Harry is with John but married to Evelyn, John is with Harry but unmarried. John is the only one of the four that is in a queer relationship without having a public heteronormative marriage. Further focusing on his gay relationship with Harry would therefore disturb the heteronormative status quo and presumably lead to a restriction of his freedom due to the anti-gay laws enacted at the time or neoliberally argued, the anti-gay sentiment prevalent in culture and society. It would also threaten the freedom of Harry and Evelyn, since they are complicit in upholding a heteronormative image to the public and his own freedom to act as a self-optimizing neoliberal entrepreneur. This creates an irresolvable conflict between his personal liberation and his context, which can only be solved by one literary measure: the death of his character (Jenkins Reid 273).
Harry Cameron suffers the same fate years later, after Evelyn disrupts their heteronormative family dynamic to move to Spain with Celia and her daughter. Although Evelyn and Harry are divorced at this point, they are still raising Connor together. Harry does not want to leave with them, because he entered a new relationship, but Hugo does not want to stay because she does not “want to act anymore” (Jenkins Reid 324). In his and Evelyn’s last conversation, he states that “[he is] falling in love with [this man]” (Jenkins Reid 325) and wants to “choose him” (Jenkins Reid 324) – reiterating why he cannot leave with his heteronormative family. He dies in the next scene (Jenkins Reid 330). Besides Evelyn disrupting their normative family dynamic, him entering a new gay relationship without a heteronormative ‘alibi’ would leave him in the same position as John – unable to solve the tension around his liberation without disrupting the social order and endangering his socio- economic position. Therefore, literarily, his only option is to die. Why do Celia and Evelyn survive their own conflict then, at least for a while? After Harry’s death and prior to their move to Europe, Evelyn weds Celia’s brother Robert, entering another public heteronormative relationship. The status quo stays preserved and Evelyn lives on. As for Celia, she already suffers from COPD at this point and her death is only a matter of time (Jenkins Reid 314).
Within the narrative, Celia dies right after she ‘marries’ Evelyn. The foregoing wedding scene ends with Evelyn calling her “My wife” (Jenkins Reid 349), while the next chapter starts with a summary on how Celia dies (Jenkins Reid 350). Although the marriage is not legal and
Evelyn is technically still married to Robert, Celia enters a homonormative marriage – which is, one could argue, the biggest disturbance to the heteronormative social order possible. Since she cannot claim this marriage publicly, however, without limiting her personal and economic freedom or disrupting the status quo, the only option to resolve this conflict surrounding her queer liberation is death. Moreover, it could be viewed as a punishment for her intentional disturbance of the dominant social order.
Finally, Evelyn Hugo dies herself at the end of the novel – prior to the publication of her tell-all biography (Jenkins Reid 375; 382), the same biography in which she is coming out as a bisexual woman to the public. While the other deaths in the novel happen involuntarily, Evelyn commits suicide before she can die of breast cancer (Jenkins Reis 375). This depiction of it being a calculated choice of sorts underlines the neoliberal ideology partly informing the character of Evelyn, but also her inner conflict between this rationality and her perception of freedom. After all, she could have chosen to end her life after the publication of her biography. However, this would have required her to not prioritize financial gain (the profit from her biography increases postmortem), but also to accept and face possible public scrutiny which would restrict her freedom to express her identity. So instead, Evelyn chooses a path that is compatible with neoliberal feminist rationality: she prioritizes a marketized logic that ensures maximum economic gain for her female ‘student’, which in turn enables Monique to move upward and leads to her financial liberation. Furthermore, her being dead at the time her bisexual identity is revealed makes a disturbance of the neoliberal capitalist, heteronormative social order impossible. As explained, the only way for her to still have agency within the neoliberalized social structure of this narrative is to exercise her freedom to choose her death.
However, her death could also be read differently. While she commits suicide, she also suffers from breast cancer. As illustrated in detail, the strategic commodification of her body (and her breasts) enabled her to be successful in the first place. Therefore, her killing her body could also symbolically be viewed as her killing commodity culture before it kills her. Again, the only option for her to still have agency is to end her life. This is supported by Monique’s reflections on her suicide, when she states: “Evelyn was never going to let the thing that made her be the thing to destroy her” (Jenkins Reid 375). Therefore, this interpretation can also be understood as a systemic critique, reinforcing how ironically the thing that seemingly gives you power as a woman (neoliberal capitalism) will paradoxically also take it away.
All the deaths in the narrative of Evelyn Hugo serve the purpose of underscoring the notion that the only way to achieve liberation for marginalized groups within the social totality of neoliberal capitalism is by dying. The only way out of the current system is death. This
supports the argument that the novel is a capitalist realist text, situating capitalism as the only viable, ‘real’ option without alternatives while simultaneously criticizing the limitations of neoliberal rationality in offering true freedom for marginalized communities. The events after Hugo’s death surrounding Monique, however, diminish the effect of any prior critique and propagate a neoliberal feminist fantasy.
4. Conclusion
Whilst we have entered the academic discourse at a time when anti-neoliberalist critique is widespread among scholars, The Seven Husbands of Evelyn Hugo as a cultural product is emblematic of the pervasiveness of neoliberal rationality and its reproduction within neoliberal capitalist societies. Evelyn Hugo is representative of the neoliberal feminist subject described by Catherine Rottenberg and, by the end, so is Monique Grant. Whereas Evelyn’s accounts of her life – and by extent her laboring body – become a mediator for criticism of systemic oppression and the overarching social totality, the narrative’s permeating focus on individual choice and the reduction of structural factors to naturalized cultural attitudes reinforce rather than subvert the status quo. Yet, the queer characters’ navigation of their intersectional identity within this system sheds light on the tensions marginalized groups experience, between the freedom they desire and the neoliberal freedom that is available to them. Within the narrative the solution to this tension is death, underscoring the limits of neoliberal ideology in offering freedom to the marginalized. However, the novel ultimately fails to provide a sustainable critique, particularly because of its glorification of Monique’s transformation into a neoliberal feminist subject. The critique exemplified in Evelyn’s story is hollowed out once Monique essentially becomes her and is rewarded for it by being enormously compensated for her work as Hugo’s biographer. The moral of the story ends up being inherently paradoxical: There cannot be true liberation for the marginalized within the social totality of neoliberal capitalism, therefore, the only option oppressed groups have is to adopt the same ideology responsible for their oppression and to learn to navigate the discriminatory system. The text therefore ends up perpetuating the same system it tries to criticize instead of offering a real, substantial critique of neoliberal rationality and its influence on freedom and liberation movements by offering an alternative to the dominant social order. Hence, Evelyn Hugo is emblematic of the previously described conflict of contemporary, neoliberalized liberation movements, which have been individuated and depoliticized and are themselves unable to fight against their own systemic oppression and therefore have ended up focusing on smaller freedoms available within the current social order. Although neoliberalism and by extent neoliberal feminism is inadequate in offering true freedom for the marginalized, since it does not allow for the overarching oppressive system that is neoliberal capitalism to be critiqued, Evelyn Hugo ends up perpetuating a romanticized, empowering version of neoliberal feminism.
Yet, the contemporary feminist movement could profit in a singular regard from neoliberal feminism: its production of active and assertive women. If these feminist subjects were to combine their strength into communal, anti-systemic political action that acknowledges the need for an abolishment of neoliberal capitalism as a social totality and offers an alternative to it, the movement could turn into the defining factor enabling the necessary changes to truly eradicate inequalities. After all, popular feminist discourses are drawing on Marxist theories more and more and are increasingly focused on calling out systemic discrimination, especially since the overturning of Roe v. Wade by the Supreme Court in 2022. Postfeminist sensibilities about equality are publicly disavowed and anti-capitalist critique has gained popularity within liberation movements. Platforms like TikTok - which have also enabled the widespread success of the novel analyzed in this thesis - could even be of help in spreading fictional narratives offering positive, functioning alternatives to neoliberal capitalism. If capitalist realism relies on a perpetuation of fictions, the solution could possibly lie, then, in the co-option of the same strategies. Moreover, if systemic critique is expanded by the popularization of feasible alternatives to our current social totality, the feminist movement in its current form bears huge potential for bringing upon real, sustainable change and by extent true freedom, agency and equality for every single person regardless of their identity or socio-economic position.
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Deconstructing Gender Dynamics and Gendered Narratives in Christopher Nolan’s Interstellar
1. Introduction
Films transcode or translate the social order into images and narratives, teaching us through screen representations which boundaries we must honor and which we might be able to transgress.
- Joel W. Martin, 2000
Visual media, specifically films and TV shows, have only increased their impact as cultural artifacts in recent years, with the rise of streaming services and social media making more content widely accessible. As Martin asserts[1], these artifacts essentially function as social teachers, educating humans subconsciously on the status quo of their society (8). As such, they either uphold the prevalent ideologies and social hierarchies or they deconstruct them and offer a different approach. However, when examining different genres, it is observable how certain kinds are more prone to function covertly as ideological propaganda than others, especially when it comes to gender representation.
Besides horror, science fiction – or sf in short – has been such a genre, because just like the former it has been considered “a predominantly masculine field” (Merrick 241). While there are countless examples of authors and stories that take on a juxtaposed, deconstructionist approach[2], precisely because of sf’s exclusionary history, there are even more examples that continuously reinforce existing gender dynamics and narratives[3]. For these reasons, “sf has … functioned as an enormously fertile environment for the exploration of sociocultural understandings of gender” (Merrick 241) and continues to do so. However, within the last decades, the lines have gotten slightly blurred. Contemporary sf artifacts have pulled these social debates to much more subliminal levels, similar to the development of patriarchal ideology in western societies. Oftentimes they seemingly tell a progressive story that subtextually still upholds patriarchal values. A popular example for this is Christopher Nolan’s Interstellar (2014): It employs various gendered narratives and traditional gender dynamics resulting in a constitutive ideology[4] that, despite the film's apparent progressive themes surrounding space exploration and the climate apocalypse, ultimately reinforces existing hierarchical structures and looks to uphold the status quo.
The following paper will critically assess various gendered narratives in Interstellar and by proxy sf. First, the general theoretical background concerning gender in science fiction and film in general will be elaborated on. Then, distinct gender dynamics in Interstellar and further implications of them will be thoroughly examined. Third, the Edenic recovery narrative, a gendered sf narrative, will be put into context with Nolan’s film to fully deconstruct the ideological layers of contemporary sf cinema. Lastly, it is important to note that, as the primary source deals with a binary understanding of gender, this paper will assume the same, for reasons of simplification. However, it must be acknowledged that this binary use of the term ‘gender’ is socially constructed and outdated, with ‘gender’ nowadays referring to a spectrum of identities.
2. Gender in Science Fiction Literature
As established, gender issues are closely intertwined with the genre of science fiction. Films often serve as ideological representation of the cultural status quo at the time of the product’s publication. Especially when the content was written without actively questioning and deconstructing the apparent normalcy. Consequentially, sf films frequently perpetuate patriarchal structures, such as traditional gender roles[5]. Brian Atteberry claims that sf functions particularly well for this reinforcement, stating that “both gender and science fiction … can be seen as codes: cultural systems that allow us to generate forms of expression and assign meanings to them” (2). While many authors have realized the potential to use this genre to offer social critique, as mentioned, many more – particularly male creators – simply unconsciously recreate the prevalent patriarchal status quo (Flatt; “Women’s Media Center”). However, because sf mirrors our society so effectively, the genre serves well for a critical assessment of patriarchal culture and how the ideology is constantly being reinforced through contemporary films.
The first key element of patriarchal narratives is the upholding of traditional gender roles and by proxy a binary understanding of gender itself. Since forcing diverse individuals into rigorous dualistic categories that they must conform to is a strenuous effort, it needs to neglect nuances as much as possible. Furthermore, for this kind of black-and-white thinking to be successful, there need to be clear distinctions between the categories the gendered individuals need to adhere to, hence why they are dichotomies by necessity. These dichotomies inform men and women in a patriarchal society about how they supposedly need to act in order to be considered feminine or masculine, so a ‘real’ woman or a ‘real’ man (Blackstone 335). As a result of this understanding, most things in life are accompanied by a gendered connotation. According to this principle, emotions, work, environment and so forth all have a gendered component (Bondi 99). Helen Merrick asserts that “the series of ‘self/other’ dichotomies suggested by ‘gender’, such as human/alien, nature/technology, and organic/inorganic, are also a central (although often unacknowledged) facet of the scientific culture informing much sf” (241). She further references Brian Attenberry, who argues that there is “a master narrative of science”, which “represents knowledge, innovation, and even perception as masculine, while nature, the passive object of exploration, is described as feminine” (qtd. in Merrick 241). Therefore, the ‘othering’ of women is especially palpable in sf narratives. If science is male, then women in sf are excluded or ‘othered’ by default. Furthermore, Veronica Hollinger argues that “the masculinist cultural text … traditionally offers itself as the universal expression of a homogeneous ‘human nature’” (125). Although essentially representing male perspectives, most often these texts are marketed as an illustration of a ‘universal’ experience. Conversely, artifacts representing female perspectives are almost always promoted as texts ‘just for women’. So, not only are women ‘othered’ by default in sf, but maleness is also presented as the default. According to Hollinger, this results in women rarely ever being “represented as subjects in their own right” (125). They essentially rarely ever have narrative agency.
All the mentioned aspects of patriarchal ideology that influence our thinking and informs the cultural artifacts that we create results in certain gendered representations of women (and men) on screen. The missing aspect of narrative agency that has been mentioned prior is, for one, a great example of this. As a result, female representation in film frequently consists of characters that solely exist in the story to cater to a male character’s arc, most often the protagonists (Gagiano 64). Even if that is not the case, their existence in the narrative is usually tied to a man. The Mako Mori Test is a popular media test that can be used to check if a film accurately depicts women as subjects with agency or if it falls flat. It was developed as a reaction to the aforementioned misrepresentation of women (Gagiano 73). According to this test, the film must include at least one female character with a narrative arc of her own to pass it (Gagiano 77). Since the Mako Mori Test is reactionary in nature and sf a male dominated genre, I argue that many – if not most – science fiction films would fail this test.
While contemporary artifacts have tried to diversify their cast and characters, many have done so by implementing performative instead of effective changes (Dias). A great example of this is tokenism. Tokenism describes the authorial choice to include one marginalized character in a group that serves as the ‘token’ representative of their respective minority. These ‘token’ characters are always portrayed through the prejudiced perspective of the majority group and never get a sufficient narrative arc of their own, resulting in a bland character that is most often just there for diversity reasons (Dias; “tokenism”, def. 1). In recent years, this tactic has become more and more observable, especially in male dominated genres such as sf (Dias).
Another patriarchal narrative in film is the depiction of female parenthood. Motherhood is almost always presented as indivisible from womanhood, reflecting society’s status quo (Rich 11). However, what is the consequence of understanding ‘mother’ and ‘woman’ as synonyms? Not only does that take away any agency women have in their own lives, but it also completely strips them of their bodily autonomy – essentially dehumanizing them (Rich xvi, 55). The concept of motherhood is also often used to return strong, smart, and independent women to the traditional, domestic space (Martin 20), again inextricably linking womanhood to male control.
Conversely, the depiction of fatherhood has also been significantly lacking depth as a result of the traditional understanding of gender roles. Since fathers are supposed to be strict and rational, emotional connections with their children were traditionally rare – in film and reality. Interestingly, this has been subject to change in contemporary cinema and sf. There has been a significant increase in father/son or father/daughter relationship representation over the last two decades.[6] However, this has not changed the overall patriarchal morale of the respective narratives, as will be explained in a later chapter.
Whereas the aforementioned key features perpetuate patriarchal ideology on a more generic level, the following focuses on an ideological critique of ecocinematic sf narratives that specifically examines how ecological futures and patriarchal convictions intersect. Andrew Hageman describes ecocinema as an “aesthetic means to shaping ecological perceptions and actions” (63). Just like every cinematic product, these films contain ideology and are therefore in need of ideological critique. Since ideology works through multiple structural layers in any text, there are many theories by renowned scholars describing ways to accurately identify the ideologies a text covertly or overtly conveys. Hageman and Wang base their ecocinematic approach on the findings of Slavoj Žižek, who coined the terms ‘constituted’ and ‘constitutive’ ideology. According to Hageman and Wang, his theory states that the constituted ideology describes what a film intentionally tries to promote, whereas the “the constitutive ideology is what the film actually seems to promote implicitly, and seemingly unconsciously” (qtd. in 120). In many ways, this paper will deal with the latter continuously throughout, since Interstellar is not only an ecocinematic sf artifact, but also a film whose constitutive and constituted ideology are oftentimes juxtaposed.
To summarize, there are various implicit cultural assumptions about gender in science fiction texts that need deconstructing to identify the subtextual, constitutive patriarchal ideology that mirrors our own society. In the following chapter, I will build on the established patriarchal gender dynamics and gendered narratives and contextualize them by analyzing Christopher Nolan’s Interstellar through a feminist lens.
3. Gender in Interstellar
As introduced, science fiction offers great material for applying feminist theory and discussing gender dynamics. Every sf artifact represents the cultural conditions of its time, therefore contemporary science fiction texts serve as an accurate source for deconstructing patriarchal realities prevalent in our current time period. Christopher Nolan’s Interstellar is a particularly good contemporary example, because its flaws concerning gender are not blatantly obvious. On its surface, Interstellar is a story about the effects of the anthropogenic climate crisis, space exploration, human survival, lots of science, and time travel. While these are surely the reasons why the movie is so beloved and presented as another clear indicator of Nolan’s genius, there are other themes seething below the surface that deserve an equal amount of attention.
Once one looks past the intriguing sf plotlines of Nolan’s popular film, with particular analytical focus on gendered narratives, other storylines emerge. Then, Interstellar becomes a story about a father abandoning his children, female scientists saving an entire species without getting much credit for it, and Mother Earth being abandoned only to erect the exact same culture that partly brought upon her doom elsewhere – in a galaxy far far away. The next subchapters will examine the various gendered narratives and dynamics in Interstellar, with specific focus on the constitutive ideology of the film.
3.1 Male Representation
One might think that there is no need to debate male representation in sf, especially after the introduction to the theoretical framework of this paper. If sf is traditionally male dominated and a product of patriarchal culture, then the male characters should supposedly be accurately represented, agreed? Disagreed. Any gender is a victim of patriarchal ideology one way or another. Men too must adhere to a very narrow understanding of masculinity and are therefore restricted in their own freedom to truly be themselves, regardless of cultural norms. In addition, to uphold the system of male supremacy, male representation in film oftentimes functions as a form of ideological mass indoctrination. The same is true for female representation as well and for any other representation of the cultural status quo.
In Interstellar all the male characters are patriarchs of their nuclear families. They are depicted as the traditional head of the family, the breadwinners, and decision-makers. Cooper and his father-in-law, Donald, are the co-patriarchs of the Cooper household as it exists prior to the space expedition. Cooper specifically constantly makes decisions for his children and embraces his authoritarian role. He decides whether to actively support and encourage his children’s career pursuits and he does not accept any other authority but himself when it comes to these decisions. In the parent-teacher meeting at the start of Interstellar he not only completely disregards the teachers’ recommendations, but also decides for his daughter how to deal with the criticism offered (00:09:55 – 00:13:17). Murphy must passively await her judgment outside the school, while her father, the patriarch, speaks for her. This reinforces him as the “keeper of agency … and perspective” (Hagemann and Wang 123) and her as the assigned, passive subject.
Prof. Brand is the ruling authority of his daughter, not only by bringing her to the team, but also by making the choice to not give her information about the certain failure of Plan A, when she is the one responsible for the execution of Plan B. Additionally, he becomes Murphy’s substitute father of sorts, claiming another patriarchal power position, and then makes the exact same choice for her. Tom, Cooper’s son, later becomes the ruling authority over his nuclear family, actively risking their lives by deciding to not give up the farm, because that would threaten his position as the breadwinner and head of the household.
However, when examining all these paternalistic authorities, it becomes obvious that they do not fit the role of the stereotypical masculine patriarch entirely. As established, due to the false dichotomies that influence our perception of appropriate masculine and feminine characterizations, men are not supposed to be empathetic caretakers of their children. They are not supposed to show affection, love, and sadness, because that is deemed womanly behavior. In Interstellar, however, partly because of the convenient absence of mother figures, the love these fathers hold for their children and how vocal they are about it potentially functions as means to change society’s perception of ideal fatherhood and even in some way tries to critique it. Despite this effort, Hageman and Wang argue that “Interstellar is [only] willing to embrace the role of a benevolent authoritarian, … in the form of a paternalistic white man ...” (126). Conspicuously, Nolan tries to change the narrative but only manages to do so for the male representation in his film and only when it is convenient for the story he wants to tell. When taking a closer look at Joseph Cooper, it becomes clear that he still has the perception of a privileged white man in many instances.
This is particularly visible whenever Cooper talks about farming. In one specific scene where he converses with Donald, he says: “It’s like we’ve forgotten who we are. Explorers, pioneers, not caretakers” (00:15:14 – 00:17:01). Coop references the principal of his children’s school here, who told him that they were part of a caretaker generation, to explain to him why Tom, his son, is not eligible for college, but would make an excellent farmer (00:09:55 – 00:13:17). In both scenes, farming is connected to caretaking – of fellow humans and Earth. Nurturing others and sustaining nature are deemed, as established in section two of this paper, feminine characteristics in patriarchal societies. So, by proxy, agricultural labor is depicted as “feminized, caretaking labor” (Yates, “White Flight” 241). I argue that this connotation of farming is precisely the reason for Cooper’s adamant despise of the work. In the mentioned conversation with his father-in-law, the tone change in his voice exposes his opinion of agricultural work. When he mentions typically masculine coded jobs such as ‘exploring’ or ‘pioneering’, his tone is admiring, but then quickly shifts to derogative when mentioning farming (00:15:14 – 00:17:01). This stance unmasks his support of the binary understanding of gender roles and patriarchal thinking. Furthermore, it explains the different relationships he has with his children. Although he loves both, he has a far better relationship with his daughter, because she shares his passion for science – a work he respects and deems worthy. One could argue that Cooper is not as close with his son because they are passionate about different things, which presumably plays a role. However, one could also argue that Cooper dislikes Tom’s interest for a work he deems womanly and worth less because he expected his son to work in a masculine field, claiming his position as a strong, determined, masculine patriarch.
Additionally, Cooper seems to view women as people who are in need of constant male protection, which could partly explain his closer relationship with Murphy. Throughout Interstellar, his main objective is protecting and saving her. Although he says he goes on the mission for his children, the audience only sees him continuously worrying and having stronger emotional reactions when it comes to his daughter. By the end of the film, he only connects with Murphy inside the Tesseract and is reunited with her in the end. Tom is never mentioned again (02:37:18 - 02:43:55). From the beginning, the audience and Cooper are reassured that Tom will manage. The same thing never happens with Murphy, depicting her as someone always needing protection and care from her father, regardless of her age. He has the same mindset when it comes to Dr. Amelia Brand, saving her from certain death by sacrificing himself and sending her to their second-chance Earth (02:13:18 – 02:17:49). In the final scene, he even travels to Edmund’s planet to save her from being alone and offer male protection (02:42:03 – 02:43:55). Cooper essentially denies the women in his life their own agency and competency to take care of themselves – basically making them objects subjected to male control, which is an inherently patriarchal ideal. One could argue, furthermore, that by protecting his daughter and Amelia, he protects science and by that masculinity itself. In this case, the need for protecting these women stems from his need to protect the patriarchal understanding of masculinity.
Furthermore, it is also interesting to examine how Cooper’s abandonment of his family is framed in Interstellar, in the context of their family dynamics. From the beginning, him leaving is justified by the fact that he must leave ‘for the greater good’. He needs to leave to save his family and the entirety of the human species. Since it is presented as the only choice there is, his abandonment is legitimized. Cooper’s significant contribution to the survival of humankind at the end of the film further justifies his inaptitude to exercise his paternal responsibilities. The pain he caused Murphy and Tom for decades is disregarded and glossed over during Cooper’s last conversation with his daughter. Even more so, his daughter tells him she knew he would return, because “[her dad] promised [her]” (02:39:43 – 02:42:02). By emphasizing the value a father’s promise holds in our society, and ignoring her own anger she held towards him for years, she manifests the narrative that fathers are the ultimate authorities and justified in holding complete control over their family members. Furthermore, she completely absolves him of his guilt. It is a habit of patriarchal societies to euphemize the actions of fathers and demonize the actions of mothers (D’Amour). Mothers leaving their children is always deemed inexcusable, whatever the reasons may be (Fonseca 311). In comparison, fathers leaving is always excused to the most ridiculous extents (D’Amour). When it comes to Interstellar, this is not only apparent, but underlines the argument of patriarchal ideology dominating its narrative.
Additionally, Interstellar downgrades the importance of mother-child relationships in order to elevate the importance of the father. Once Cooper leaves Murphy, she is traumatized. We see her being distraught by her father’s choice decades after he left (01:20:34 – 01:22:52). She even chooses to spend her remaining days in cryosleep, presumably in exchange for the possibility of some last moments with Cooper (02:39:43 – 02:42:02). However, it is mentioned that her mother died when she was very young. Yet, she is not even phased by that event in the slightest. She never talks about her mother, much less seems sad about her nonexistence. Nolan’s attempt to emphasize father-child relationships and add depth to male emotions comes at the cost of the importance of the mother. By that he upholds the system he tries to critique.
Lastly, Cooper is the definition of white male privilege. He essentially stumbles upon a secret NASA facility that he proceeds to break into and is not instantaneously killed (00:24:16 – 00:25:08), a scarcity in the U.S. which is usually reserved for white men. Then, without any re-training whatsoever, he is hired by another white man and is up in space playing astronaut[7]. In classic patriarchal fashion, men are automatically equated with competency, although that might not be the reality. Dr. Amelia Brand, in comparison, is denied expertise in her field by Cooper himself, although her knowledge is excellent and turns out to be correct in the end. In a scene on the Endurance, Cooper – who has no qualification whatsoever – overrules her authority because he suspects that her emotions might cloud her judgement (01:25:29 – 01:29:01). Not only is that narrative repeatedly used in our culture to undermine women’s authority, but also repositions Interstellar as a conservative film supporting white male privilege. This interpretation is further supported by the last sequence of the film, where “the film celebrates [Cooper’s] unilateral resource grab to jump the queue in transplanting to humanity’s new home planet” (Hageman and Wang 128).
As presented on the basis of male representation, Interstellar, although progressive in some cases, still supports the system of hegemonic male supremacy and patriarchal rule.
3.2 Female Representation
Christopher Nolan included only four (alive) female characters in his film, with two of them holding relatively irrelevant supporting roles. Comparatively, Interstellar features eleven male characters. This is of little surprise, since it was established that sf is a genre that tends to underrepresent women. Interestingly, however, one could argue that Nolan’s decision to include two female scientists whose genius saves humanity is as progressive as was possible in the year of 2014 when the movie was first released. Nonetheless, the following subsection will explain why these female characters are still emblematic of our patriarchal understanding of women and their supposed roles in our society, with specific focus on the two scientists.
The most obvious observation about Nolan’s female characters is that all of them assume some kind of maternal role throughout Interstellar. As established in the previous chapter, one of the core features of patriarchal ideology is the seeming inseparability of womanhood and motherhood. Even more, motherhood is often perceived and depicted as the most important thing a woman can achieve in her lifetime, while her other accomplishments are relegated to the sidelines (Rich x). This is precisely the fate Murphy Cooper suffers from. Although she manages to save the human population on Earth by bringing the symbolic equivalent of Noah’s arche, Cooper Station, up into space and creating a new place for them to live, the focus at the end of the movie lies on her multitude of offspring (02:39:43 – 02:42:02). While it is acknowledged that the station is named after her and not Cooper, the audience never experiences the height of her career, since all of it happens off screen. The story stops following her arc once Coop is not involved in the solution anymore, once he can’t function as the hero anymore, once her accomplishments would be truly her own. It conveniently shows her again, however, when she has regained value in a patriarchal system by embracing motherhood. Martin argues that scenes like these “function to return a single, professional … woman to a traditional role” (20).
The same can be observed when looking at the other female scientist, Dr. Amelia Brand. Her expertise on the viability of planets is unmatched and leads them to their second-chance Earth. However, as the only woman on the spaceship she is conveniently presented as responsible for the repopulation of this new home, by taking care of “the population bomb” – an incubator with thousands of fertilized eggs that grow into children that need raising (00:34:28 – 00:35:14). The last scene of Interstellar serves, just like with Murphy, to resubordinate her to her ‘intended’ function as a woman (02:42:03 – 02:43:55): not a scientist, but a caretaking, motherly figure that closely resembles the ‘original’ mother - Eve. All the other female characters, dead or alive, are entirely defined by their role as mothers or caretakers of children: Lois Cooper as well as her mother- and grandmother-in-law, and Murphy’s teacher Ms. Hanley. The indivisibility of motherhood from womanhood, specifically in relation to contemporary science fiction, is a clear indication of patriarchal ideology still being a prevalent factor in films like Interstellar. While it is accepted nowadays that women can be scientists, it is not accepted for them to relinquish motherhood for it.
Further evidence for Nolan’s film just being progressive on the surface but not subliminally emerges when conducting the Mako Mori Test. Every female character’s narrative arc is either directly or indirectly connected and dependent on a male character in Interstellar. First and foremost, Murphy is only relevant to the story because of her connection to the story’s hero, her father Cooper. She is introduced to science through him, she starts working as a scientist because of him, and she spends her entire life either missing or hating her father. However, since patriarchal structures always look to subordinate women to a man, Murphy is transferred from her father’s control to Prof. Brand’s once Cooper can’t be the paternalistic authority anymore. Later, shortly after Prof. Brand dies, a romantic relationship with her coworker is hinted at, again subjugating her to a man’s control (02:32:54 – 02:33:17). Throughout the film, her emotions towards Cooper, Prof. Brand, and the other men in her life are her sole motivation for everything she does. In addition, Interstellar completely strips her of any agency, never making her a human subject in her own right, with desires of her own.
The exact same is the case with Dr. Amelia Brand. She, too, is only part of the narrative and the mission because of her father. He is the reason the mission and NASA’s successor exist at all – everything happens because of his theories and plans to save Earth and/or our species. Once his control over her ends with them being separated, it is revealed that a main part of her motivation to join the mission is the possibility of seeing her former love interest again – Dr. Edmunds. In the end, when Amelia finds out that Edmunds has died and tries to set up camp on the new planet alone, Cooper joins her (02:42:03 – 02:43:55). It is heavily insinuated that he is supposed to be the Adam to her Eve, again resubordinating Dr. Brand to a man’s control. Same as Murphy, she never has real agency throughout the whole film. In the end, all the women – dead or alive – in Interstellar fail the Mako Mori Test. None of these women ever have their own narrative arc that is not somehow tied to a man’s storyline.
This misrepresentation of these female characters is also a result of tokenism. Both Murphy and Amelia serve as the token women in their respective spheres. In the beginning, Murphy is the token female protagonist of the Cooper family and Dr. Brand of the NASA team on Earth. Once the plot progresses, Murphy takes Dr. Brand’s place at the scientific facility, Lois takes Murphy’s place in the family, and Amelia becomes the only woman on the Endurance. None of the women ever share a significant amount of time in a space together, they are always separated from each other. Therefore, they are not only denied autonomy but also community, degrading them to mere pieces on a chessboard, waiting to be moved by a male authority.
Murphy Cooper as well as Amelia Brand are presented as educated, assertive and confident throughout the film, but lack agency as subjects in their own right. They are still marginalized, silenced, and supposedly protected in lieu of large crises, as has been set forth in previous sections. In relation to ecocinema and feminist theory, one could further argue that their fate resembles that of Earth – Mother Nature – herself (Hageman and Wang 120). While being depicted with characteristics that are typically male connotated, neither the two female scientists nor Earth are awarded enough power to liberate themselves and significantly control their own actions and future. Or, to quote Hagemann and Wang again, “the planet and the women appear to be loved and valued as the key to the future of humanity yet are figured ultimately as weak objects for male heroism” (120). This is strongly connected to the previously introduced concept that women are seemingly awarded some sort of power only to then be subordinated to male control. It seems like their narratives are actively minimized so that STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) professions and the agency to save humankind are men’s domains only (Hageman and Wang 125).
To conclude, it has become evident that simply including one or two women in a sf film is not sufficient to overcome patriarchal ideology that is so deeply rooted in our society, even if one awards them with work typically associated with men. It has been further explained how Interstellar fails to accurately represent women as agents and even promotes prevalent patriarchal structures through its constitutive ideology.
3.3 The Edenic Recovery Narrative
Now that it has been established how Interstellar supports patriarchal systems by its depiction of gender throughout its run, it is also necessary to look at a narrative specific to sf that upholds and builds on the same ideals. Michelle Yates introduces a particularly interesting concept in her chapter “Saving Eden”: the Edenic Recovery Narrative. According to her, it is “a powerful trope within late twentieth and early twenty-first century popular Hollywood eco-themed science fiction films, like … Interstellar (2014)” (168). But what does this trope typically display? Yates argues that films like these are usually after-Eden narratives, meaning that they focus on a time where Earth has become uninhabitable and the search for a replacement-Eden has begun. They center on heroic (white) male agents with the “ability to conquer ‘wild’ nature, to tame wilderness and turn it into Eden” (Yates, “Saving Eden” 168). By that, this narrative supports the idea of the nature/civilization dichotomy in which men embody civilization and nature is feminized. The idea of “taming wilderness” essentially equates to controlling women, and by default, Earth (Yates, “Saving Eden” 168). Michelle Yates notes, within the framework of this narrative, that this understanding is often used to “legitimat[e] social hierarchies and (re)produc[e] a dichotomy in which men, culture, agency, and human subjectivity are aligned on the one hand, while women and nature are aligned on the other hand” (“Saving Eden” 168). This legitimization then leads to the desire to recreate Eden and the cultural connotations it carries on a second-chance Earth. According to Murray and Heumann, there is another reason for this desire, which they call “environmental nostalgia” (qtd. in Yates, “Saving Eden” 168). It describes the nostalgic feeling that is evoked in the audience when confronted with eco-memories, images of an ecology that are still present in the non-diegetic sphere but have been obliterated within the sphere of the movie (Murray and Heumann qtd. in Yates, “Saving Eden” 168). This feeling of nostalgia, Yates argues, is not just connected to environmental decline, but also to the possible annihilation of the status quo. It’s a “nostalgia for a privileged construction of … gender, [and] a hegemonic representation of white masculinity” (Yates, “Saving Eden” 168). Combined, environmental nostalgia and the push to preserve Edenic nature promote the preservation of white male supremacy and patriarchal ideology (Yates, “Saving Eden” 169).
In Interstellar, the mission and Cooper himself are the embodiment of the Edenic Recovery Narrative. In multiple scenes, the audience is informed about Cooper’s nostalgia for ‘the old days’, where he was able to go after his masculine passion, his wife held the caretaking role, and he could easily provide for his family. From the beginning, it is underlined that past times were great and present day is a constant struggle. The mission sets out to save what is left and rebuild the past in a new Eden. However, although the film depicts an ecological crisis strikingly similar to the climate crisis, it never reflects on how this crisis came to be. It ignores the factors that fostered the ecological decline, such as capitalism and white male supremacy (Yates, “Saving Eden” 179. Therefore, it serves as historical revisionism and romanticizes a past that never existed in this way. Nostalgia supports this understanding because, as Yates states, it “is often more about how the past is imagined and constructed than the actual historical material reality” (“Saving Eden” 174). Furthermore, by embracing this nostalgia Interstellar upholds the same beliefs that brought upon Earth’s demise in the film’s diegesis, which stands in stark dissonance with the ending’s impression on the viewer. In the final scene, Cooper joins Dr. Brand to create a new home on second-chance Earth. Mission accomplished; humanity saved. The audience leaves the cinema feeling hopeful, failing to recognize that this planet will disintegrate just the same, since the issues that brought upon Earth’s doom have just been moved to a different galaxy.
The small insight the audience gains into the conditions on Cooper Station in the final scenes significantly adds depth to this constitutive ideology of Interstellar. The start of the film suggests an awareness of the harmful effects of capitalism on agricultural logistics, for example pushing for unsustainable food systems to allocate the most profit. Yet, the final sequences on Cooper Station simply mirror the system shown in the beginning, picturing the same monocultural cornfields (02:37:18 – 02:37:48). This indicates that humanity simply opted for a restart of the program, instead of rewriting it and correcting its flaws (Hageman and Wang 128). If Interstellar depicts this clear return to the status quo when it comes to capitalist structures, it is to be assumed that the same will happen for patriarchal systems. Cooper joining Dr. Brand on Edmund’s planet in the end is another indication of this. Instead of showing the possibility of a matriarchal system, Interstellar rather demotes a capable woman in order to promote the story’s male hero, actively choosing a reenactment of patriarchal culture.
Additionally, there is something else that supports the desire to uphold the patriarchal status quo within the Edenic Recovery Narrative: aggrieved entitlement. According to Yates[8], this contemporary effect describes the notion “that white men believe themselves entitled to benefits which seemingly no longer exist” (“Saving Eden” 175) – an entitlement to male privilege, one could say. Nostalgia, Michael Kimmel argues, is an important part of aggrieved entitlement, since it strongly connects to the sense of feeling entitled to restoring an imagined past (63). Cooper displays this entitlement on various occasions throughout Interstellar. Every time he talks about the past and the life he must live now, he not only displays feelings of nostalgia, but also anger and distress because he thinks he has been robbed of a life to which he is entitled. When he attends the parent-teacher meeting, he reacts defensive and conceited when Ms. Hanley and the principal try to diminish the importance of engineering and technological progress (00:09:55 – 00:13:17), because Coop feels entitled to the glory, dominance, and societal power that stem from these male-connotated achievements. Finally, this sense of aggrieved entitlement plays into his decision to go on the mission of Edenic Recovery in the first place and partly explains why he has no moral problem with jumping the queue to the new planet. He is entitled to it, after all.
To summarize, the Edenic Recovery Narrative is a common gendered trope in contemporary sf cinema, a product of patriarchal culture, and a tool to reinforce prevalent ideology. Nolan’s film is neither immune to this, nor does it try to subvert it in any way.
4. Conclusion
Cultural artifacts always carry an infinite range of possible interpretations and ideologies with them. Films are particularly good representations and oftentimes deconstructions of cultural normativity. Within this group, the genre of science-fiction is ideal for examining or subverting existing power structures and hierarchies, particularly patriarchal ones. Although the emphasis on possibility and progress offers great potential for representing feminist visions, it is oftentimes not used in this way. When it comes to contemporary sf artifacts in particular, changes are only made overtly to satisfy the part of the audience that advocates for changes in gendered representation.
This results, as described by closely examining Christopher Nolan’s Interstellar in this paper, in a constituted ideology that proclaims gender equity without really putting in the work to achieve it. By using tokenism and merely implementing female scientists, films like Interstellar seem to be progressive and in support of female representation. Yet, as deconstructed, issues at the heart of patriarchal structures, like power imbalances and traditional gender roles, are still interwoven within various narrative structures and therefore subliminally reinforce the patriarchal status quo. This supports their social standing as a fixed normalcy rather than a changeable ideology.
Constitutive ideologies of (sf) films should, therefore, be closely evaluated from a feminist theorist’s perspective, to shed light on these potential issues and provoke changes. Nevertheless, many authors have already worked to fulfill the true potential of the science-fiction genre, such as Octavia Butler in “Bloodchild”. If we want to create a balanced society with barely any marginalization, however, every author needs to do their part in reflecting on these issues and their own bias. Of course, films alone will not abolish the patriarchy. But they are effective tools when it comes to ideological indoctrination and shouldn’t be underestimated. If authors and directors, particularly male, accomplished ones like Christopher Nolan, were to radically reevaluate their world view and act accordingly, they could be one of the most important assets in the fight for gender equality. Fighting oppressive systems alongside privileged people in power is the most effective, after all.
[1] Martin bases his statements on Douglas Kellner and Michael Ryan’s insights in Camera Politica (1-16, 49-75).
[2] Such as Octavia Butler’s “Bloodchild” (1984) or C. L. Moore’s “No Woman Born” (1944)
[3] Such as Luc Bessons’ The Fifth Element (1997), Andrew Stanton’s WALL-E (2008) or Frank Herbert’s Dune Messiah (1969)
[4] See Slavoj Žižek’s theory about constituted and constitutive ideologies in films (Hageman and Wang 120).
[5] This term refers to roles in society that have a gendered connotation. For example, women are expected to be the ‘angel of the house’, to be nurturing mothers, and caretaker of their husbands. They should never get angry and always be altruistic. Their body does not belong to them, they do not have agency. Men, in comparison, are supposed to be the breadwinners and safe keepers of the family. They are supposed to be strong and rational. They are expected to be agents and the paternal leader of the family. For more detailed information, please refer to Adrienne Rich’s Of Women Born (54-55) or Amy M. Blackstone’s Gender Roles and Society.
[6] Georgia May’s list ranks the best father/daughter relationship representations in film. The list contains 15 films, 11 of which were published in the last 23 years.
[7] Joseph Cooper himself says that he never left the stratosphere before (00:29:53 – 00:35:15).
[8] She bases her statement on Michael Kimmel’s theory. For more information, see Angry White Men (Kimmel).
5. Works Cited
Primary Source
Interstellar. Directed by Christopher Nolan, Warner Bros. Pictures, 2014.
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Blackstone, Amy M. “Gender Roles and Society.” Human Ecology: An Encyclopedia of Children, Families, Communities, and Environments, 2003, pp. 335-338.
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Kimmel, Michael. Angry White Men: American Masculinity at the End of an Era. Nation Books, New York, 2013.
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Yates, Michelle. “Saving Eden: Whiteness, Masculinity, and Environmental Nostalgia in Soylent Green and WALL-E.” Gender and Environment in Science Fiction, 2018, pp. 167-184.
Yates, Michelle. “White Flight from Planet Earth: Reading Race, Cheap Food, and Capitalism’s Crisis State in Interstellar.” Literary and Cultural Production, World-Ecology, and the Global Food System, edited by Chris Campbell et al., Springer International Publishing, 2021, pp. 235–259. DOI.org (Crossref), https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-76155-4_11.
The Deconstruction of the Motherhood Binary in Little Fires Everywhere by Celeste Ng
1. Introduction
The mainstream media consistently depict bad mothers as vicious, evil, unloving, uncaring or abusive. The characteristics are usually very clearly negative without room for discussion. As a result, motherhood is often portrayed as a concept that only allows for two binary descriptions: good and bad, black and white. A concept that doesn’t allow any layers and fosters the development and prevalence of biases. Therefore, the question whether this oversimplification of a term ascribed to huge parts of our society is accurate, has to be raised.
Celeste Ng manages to force the reader to look beyond the surface and reveal the layers of these biases in Little Fires Everywhere. The widely celebrated novel takes place in the placid, progressive suburb of Shaker Heights, Ohio in the 1990s and mainly follows the lives of Mia Warren, Elena Richardson and their respective children. Mia Warren, a single mother, moves to the suburb with her teenage daughter, where they become involved with Elena Richardson and her picture-perfect family. While Mia is a free-spirited artist with a mysterious past, Elena is a stickler for the rules and status quo. Their relationship becomes complicated, when Mia and Elena find themselves on opposite sides of a custody battle between birth mother, Bebe Chow and foster mother Linda McCullough.
By intertwining the stories of these very different mother figures – with various socioeconomic backgrounds, experiences, and ethnicities – Celeste Ng forces the reader to slowly deconstruct their internalized binary concept of motherhood. She is coercing the reader into acknowledging mothers as flawed beings and into rejecting the assumption that motherhood is as binary as society is proclaiming it to be.
In the following, I illustrate how Little Fires Everywhere depicts the different layers of motherhood, by first elaborating on the binary concept of motherhood, how it is shaped by unachievable expectations, modern society enforces and thus, why reducing motherhood to two sides of a spectrum is factually incorrect. Then I continue by analyzing the differences and similarities of the mothers in the novel, more specifically how their social status, experiences, and backgrounds influence their motherhood. Additionally, I analyze how their actions are perceived by their community and if the mothers embody the stigma that was imposed on them. Lastly, I take a closer look on how the novel manages to deconstruct society’s normalized binary concept of motherhood.
2. The Binary Concept of Motherhood
Little Fires Everywhere may be a novel about the complex structures of motherhood, but it is first and foremost a novel about mothers and their stories. Therefore, it is reasonable to start by taking a much closer look at these respective mothers.
The focus of the novel lies on the lives of four mothers and their families: Mia Warren, Elena Richardson, Linda McCullough and Bebe Chow. Interestingly, Celeste Ng decided to compare these mothers not as a whole, but by grouping them into two pairs and putting a much stronger focus on Mia Warren and Elena Richardson.
To understand the intention behind it, we first have to investigate the current societal understanding of motherhood. A focus on the societal understanding is necessary, because a consensus about the definition of motherhood has not been reached. According to Adrienne Rich, “we know more about the air we breathe, the seas we travel, than about the nature and meaning of motherhood” (11).
In the vast majority of cases, motherhood is seen as a binary concept – there can only be good mothers or bad mothers, disregarding any form of nuances. The reasons for that are versatile.
Renee Lee Gardner claims that, “the sacrifices that a woman makes to the institution of motherhood are invisible; we only become aware of them when they are not made, or when they are made in a way that is untranslatable to us given the specific limitations of our ideological governances” (204). The reasons that would make us consider someone a “good” mother, in contrast to those characteristics typically ascribed to “bad mothers”, are often not visible. Furthermore, everything that seems abnormal or unusual to the majority, is mostly framed as “bad”, leaving no space for layers.
Sharon Abbey further claims that, “[...] [we cull] the idealized maternal images of the ‘good’ mother [...] from religion, myth, fairy tales, and the media” and that they “portray women as heterosexual, married, white, and middle class. They are devoted, loving, attentive, and self-sacrificing ... available, flexible, and asexual, with few personal needs” (xviii).
Diana L. Gustafson additionally writes that, “[...] accepting the inequitable burden of parenting labor and selfless love is an expectation of the good mother” (26). The idealization of a “good” mother is as old as the patriarchy itself, leaving women with unachievably high standards to live up to and completely reducing their personality to the act of motherhood. By making it this impossible to be labelled a “good” mother, a lot more women are labelled as “bad” mothers, just because of their inability to fulfill a standard, that disregards their existence as human beings with flaws entirely - and by that is basically unfulfillable.
But if this standard is that unrealistic to achieve, how are mothers everywhere still promoting and upholding it? Sara Ruddick says, “the idealized Good Mother is accompanied in fear and fantasy by the Bad Mother. Paradoxically, a mother herself may welcome the idea of the Bad Mother as a protection against her own sense of badness. The Really Bad Mother’s evils are specific, avoidable, and worse than her own” (31–32). By condemning mothers that have failed in our eyes, we validate our own failures. By critiquing seemingly “bad” mothers, we can position ourselves as “better” and therefore as “good”. Gardner claims that, “this offers an escape from the intensity of expectations [....]” (208). It gives women a chance to actually achieve the unachievable and therefore upholds the binary concept.
This concept does not, in any way, reflect reality. It ignores the complexity of human beings, our ability to make mistakes and tries to put mothers into two categories, when instead it is a large spectrum with a lot of room for interpretation.
3. The Mother Figures
Now that we have established the normalized perception of motherhood on various different levels, we can have a further look into how exactly the mothers in Little Fires Everywhere challenge this normalized view.
Mia Warren is the main protagonist of the novel, because she is the main reason for everyone starting to question their previous world view. Her character functions as the trigger for the development of the other characters, be it directly or indirectly. Without her, the novel and the morale that Ng wants to convey wouldn’t work as efficiently as they do.
But what qualifies her to be this important? To answer this question, we first have to examine how Mia is characterized in the novel.
One of the first things the reader gets to know about Mia Warren is that she is extremely creative and diligent. During their time in Shaker Heights, she works three jobs (Ng 24, 83). Her main profession is artistry and the commitment to her - sometimes unprofitable – art oftentimes forces her to work other jobs parallelly to provide for herself and her daughter Pearl Warren (Ng 22, 31).
As can be seen, money was never simply handed to Mia. Her parents refused to pay for art school, so she applied for and received a scholarship (Ng 226-227). When that scholarship was revoked, she obtained the offer to be a surrogate in exchange for money from an infertile couple, Joseph and Madeleine Ryan. Her initial intention was to use that money for her tuition, even though she had doubts about the surrogacy. She mentions that “in the end [...] it was the math that decided her”, resulting in her daughter Pearl (Ng 252).
To fully understand Mia’s precarious situation, we first have to define the term surrogacy. Susan Dodds and Karen Jones give the following definition: “[...] a woman agrees to be inseminated with the sperm of the commissioning party, and to conceive, bear, and give up the resulting child, revoking all parental claims, in return for a fee plus expenses” (1). They further state that the main motivation for a lot of surrogates is the monetary compensation they receive and that they oftentimes desperately depend on (Dodds and Jones 9-10). By, understandably, prioritizing the monetary value and disregarding the missing experience of pregnancy, many mothers underestimate the “[...] deep emotional attachment to the child” (Dodds and Jones 9-10). Mia’s situation resembles that of many other socioeconomically deprived surrogate mothers: She unknowingly underestimated the deep attachment she would form with her daughter, resulting in her breaking the surrogacy contract and embracing her motherhood.
Thus, Mia is an affectionate mother. Pearl herself reminisces about how “she had never in her life gone to bed without Mia coming to kiss her good night [....]” (Ng 111). It is obvious that she deeply loves her daughter and that she is always terrified that the Ryan’s could take Pearl away from her (Ng 139). According to Dodds and Jones, this anxiety is substantiated when looking at the rulings of previous custody battles regarding surrogacy (14).
However, her mother’s kindness is not restricted to Pearl. She is generally a benevolent and very understanding person. This is especially visible when Mia learns about Lexie Richardson’s abortion. She feels “nothing but deep sympathy for Lexie”, attends to her needs without question and never judges her for her decision (Ng 278- 289).
Her reaction also displays Mia’s broad-mindedness. In contrast to most of the other Shaker citizens, she rarely resorts to black and white thinking and prejudgment. During the custody battle between her coworker Bebe Chow and Shaker citizen Linda McCullough, she reflects and shows understanding for both sides (Ng 138-139). Mia’s habit of empathizing with everyone she meets is heavily influenced by her former art teacher. By teaching Mia about photography, she helped her to see and appreciate nuances in everything visible (Ng 237).
Mia usually embraces imperfection, be it her own or that of others. This distinguishes her from every other Shaker Heights local, especially the town’s most famous and dedicated one: Elena Richardson.
To fully understand the persona of Elena Richardson, we first have to examine the essence of her hometown, one of the “first planned communities”, Shaker Heights (Ng 11). In contrast to various other suburbs Shaker Heights was preplanned to ensure absolute perfection (Ng 10-11). To ensure that this perfection is permanent Shaker established rules for everything (Ng 10-11). And seemingly it worked out as planned: “Order – and regulation, the father of order – had been the [...] key to harmony” (Ng 26). However, the arrogance to present oneself as flawless and perfect leaves no room for growth and constant improvement. It, paradoxically, leads to imperfection (Sofie Lazarsfeld 94). The philosopher Blaise Pascal noted the following already in the 17th century: “Man is neither angel nor brute, and he who tries to act the angel is likely to act the brute”. Still, Shaker residents are completely oblivious of that paradox, which often results in them thinking or talking in a condescending and patronizing manner (Ng 181).
A personification of the Shaker doctrine is Elena Richardson. She is described as someone that “[...] always [strives] for perfection [....]” (Ng 82) and her children view her as someone who “[...] fixes things [....]” (Ng 20, 200). Nobody seems to embody the spirit of Shaker Heights as much as Elena does. This is not surprising, however, when taking into consideration that Elena’s family has been residing in the suburb since the beginning of its existence (Ng 180).
As a result of her upbringing, Elena is also extremely rule abiding and disciplined. Her daily routine is carefully planned out and follows strict rules, which she established herself and follows meticulously (Ng 77). Rules existed for a reason: if you followed them, you would succeed; if you didn’t, you might burn the world to the ground (Ng 185).
This mantra is etched into Elena’s mind, partly because it worked out for her. All she ever experienced in her privileged life validated this attitude. To her following the rules equals doing the right thing and breaking them equals the opposite.
Additionally, this principle directly explains Elena’s narrow-mindedness and her tendency to think of everything as black or white. To her there are no nuances, because order and regulation give her a feeling of safety (Ng 77-78).
When the custody battle emerges in the novel, with Linda McCullough (one of her best friends) being in the center, her incapability of seeing the nuances in human beings becomes obvious. Throughout the entire trial Elena has barely any sympathy for Bebe Chow’s (the adoptee’s birth mother) situation, even more so she never questions her personal bias because of her and Linda’s friendship (Ng 308-310).
Her binary way of thinking leads her to being very judgmental about other people’s decisions and their lives (Ng 348). She additionally represents the attitude a lot of mothers develop due to the societal pressure of living up to the unachievable expectations of motherhood: in order to be viewed as a mother that meets the impossible standards - by herself and her community - she has to diminish the achievements and judge the actions of other mothers even more harshly (Ruddick 31– 32).
When it comes to most of her children Elena can be genuinely caring and affectionate (Ng 43). It is obvious that she really loves them and wants them to succeed in life. Nevertheless, she is also (as always) convinced that her vision of her children’s lives is the right one and oftentimes forgets that her children want to make autonomous decisions about their life.
This is partly the problem of the relationship with her fourth child, Izzy. Elena views Izzy as her problem child, stirring up chaos and triggering her mother’s anxiety since her premature birth and following medical struggles (Ng 125-127). What initially started out as genuine concern for her daughter has turned into a very toxic interaction over the years (Ng 128).
Comparing Mia and Elena, it is obvious that they have very different personas. As argued, the underlying reason for that consists of various interrelated, mainly socioeconomic factors: e.g., upbringing, innate privilege, wealth. Innate personal characteristics, however, are also partially responsible.
Mia Warren and Elena Richardson are not the only pair of mother figures in the novel that need to be examined further. Parallel to the protagonists’ story progressing another line of action is introduced: The custody battle between Bebe Chow and the McCullough’s.
During the unfolding of this plotline, the reader gains knowledge about the nature of both mothers. Bebe Chow is Mia’s Chinese co-worker at a restaurant. She had a child with her Chinese boyfriend, for whom she moved and left her well-paying job. Said boyfriend left her as soon as he was told about the pregnancy. Bebe then lost her only low-paying job because she went to the hospital to have her daughter, May Ling Chow. Being a single mother and unemployed, she was left with a newborn she was unable to feed or take care of. Nobody would employ her, because of her “[...] rather choppy [....]” English and it became gradually impossible for her to provide for herself or her child (Ng 136-137). The reader learns that, additionally, Bebe suffered from postpartum depression with a possible psychotic break, complicating her situation even further (Ng 137).
Teri Pearlstein et. al. define postpartum depression “[...] as a major depressive disorder (MDD) with a specifier of postpartum onset within 1 month after childbirth” (357).
As a last resort, Bebe left May Ling at a fire station with a letter that asked to find a suitable family that could take care of her daughter (Ng 132, 137). Pearlstein et. al. state that symptoms of PPD can include “[...] sleep disturbance, appetite disturbance, loss of energy, feelings of worthlessness or guilt, diminished concentration and thoughts of suicide [....]” (357). Looking at Bebe’s behavior in the weeks prior to her action, it is highly likely that she suffered from PPD – besides all of the socioeconomic factors not being in her favor.
Regardless of the circumstances, Bebe acts like a very caring and affectionate mother that unconditionally loves her child and would have never given her away, if the situation had allowed it. May Ling and Bebe were close to dying of starvation among other things, when Bebe made the devastating and selfless choice to give her daughter a new chance at life. Additionally, May Ling was found with multiple blankets, wearing everything Bebe owned to protect her from the freezing cold (Ng 293). This illustrates that her mother wasn’t carelessly abandoning her; she was trying to save May Ling’s life.
Representative of the deeply rooted love for her daughter, is also her reaction to the verdict (Ng 338-340). Bebe has a mental breakdown, leaving her with a “[...] terrible hollow feeling [....]” and a behavior that compels Izzy to ask Mia whether she is dying (Ng 340). Her desperation and her consuming, maternal love even coerce her into abducting her daughter and escaping back to China at the end of the novel (Ng 381-382).
On the opposing side of the custody battle are Linda and Mark McCullough, the adoptive family May Ling was given to, after she was found at the fire station. In addition, the McCullough’s are long term and very close friends of the Richardson’s, hence why Mia and Elena are on opposing sides of the case (Ng 128). They are a wealthy childless couple, that has experienced the devastating process of infertility and recurring miscarriages, before deciding to apply for an adoption (Ng 150-152).
Linda generally is caring and affectionate towards Mirabelle (May Ling’s newly assigned name) and is, as well as Bebe, altogether an amicable person (Ng 305). However, she has faced mental issues due to her long-term struggle with infertility (Ng 152). Having a baby has become her sole purpose in life, leading her down a slightly obsessive path. According to S. Katibli, G. Mammadzada and N. Hajiyeva, “forty percent of women with infertility experience various mental disorders” (1). The conclusion of their conducted study further recommends “[...] psychological counselling and family therapy for couples encountering infertility problems [...]” (Katibli, Mammadzada and Hajiyeva 1). Somehow, the McCulloughs - despite their means and opportunities – never sought out any sort of psychological assistance.
On the one hand, this fixation to be a mother at any cost is responsible for Linda plastering Mirabelle with money and affection (Ng 130, 134). On the other hand, it makes her think of a baby like an object she desperately wants to possess. It leads her to disregard the fact that children grow up to be diverse human beings with individual characters. According to Dodds and Jones, this attitude is displayed in cases of surrogacy, nevertheless it also extends to cases like these (16). Linda becomes so focused on having literally any child that she forgets the individuality of the child she is supposed to raise. This becomes especially noticeable during her testimony in the custody battle. When the lawyer of Bebe Chow asks her about what they do to keep May Ling/Mirabelle connected to her Chinese heritage, she always resorts to statements about what they allegedly have planned for the future (Ng 299-306).
It becomes clear very quickly, that they have not thought in detail about a huge part of May Ling’s/Mirabelle’s identity. The only book that contains Chinese protagonists turns out to be a depiction of racist stereotypes (Ng 304). When asked about whether they have other books about Chinese culture, Linda admits: “I haven’t really looked for them. [...] I hadn’t thought about it” (Ng 304). Apparently, an enormous aspect of her adoptive daughter’s identity seemed so irrelevant to her that she didn’t even give it a thought.
Generally, it is still debated by “opponents and supporters of transracial adoption [...] [whether transracial adoptions] [...] violate the best interests of minority children” (Katarina Wegar 80), with scientists like Xiaojun Tong mostly describing a positive impact (299). However, he also describes the additional tasks adoptive parents have to face when having a transracial adoption, starting in infancy (Tong 41). It can be argued that Linda and Mark McCullough are not aware of the importance of these tasks and therefore are not as motivated to fulfill them. Linda even states in her testimony that, “it’s not a requirement [for the adoption process] that we [the McCullough’s] are experts of Chinese culture!” (Ng 306). Proving that the McCullough’s do not prioritize May Ling’s/Mirabelle’s heritage and that they don’t see the importance of their responsibility to keep their daughter connected to her birth culture, viewing it as an option rather than a duty.
Altogether, these actions further prove that her trauma and her obsession have caused Linda to reduce May Ling/Mirabelle to an object, rather than an individual person. She is always terrified of losing another baby, not specifically May Ling/Mirabelle (Ng 153). Collectively, this depicts how infertility can be mentally exhausting to the point where the achievement of a lifelong wish is of utmost importance to the affected couple. How and by whom this wish is fulfilled, unconsciously, becomes of lesser importance.
4. Societal Perceptions and Expectations of Motherhood
Based on the nature of the respective mother figures and their relationship with their children, we can examine how their actions are perceived by the community and how this perception is directly influenced by the binary concept of motherhood.
By now we have established, that it is impossible to put either of the mothers in Little Fires Everywhere into the societally enforced categories of the binary system. Mia and Elena, as well as Linda and Bebe display behaviors that can be allocated to either the good or the bad mother narrative. They combine behaviors and character traits of both categories within themselves and therefore prove that the ascribed binary concept does not reflect reality.
Furthermore, their mothering, choices and natures are diverse to an extent, which makes it impossible to categorize them on anything other than a spectrum. When trying to position them on a hypothetical spectrum, it further displays that neither of them can be positioned in the same place and the position varies depending on the person positioning.
All of them have flaws and unintentionally have mistreated their children in some instances. All of their actions are rooted in some experience that lies beyond the surface of what is visible to the outside. All of them embody the beautiful contradictions of human nature, that are not exclusive to mothers.
However, since society has internalized the institutionalized definition of motherhood that is accompanied by the binary concept, we have to further investigate which actions and characteristics are especially frowned upon by our respective society.
4.1 Surrogacy
We have already established the concept of surrogacy, the common dependance on monetary compensation and how it has affected the main protagonist Mia Warren. But how is the act of surrogacy perceived by society? In Little Fires Everywhere Mia is subjected to various different opinions about her decision. Her parents and her brother respond very negatively, consistently accusing her of selling her child (Ng 212, 258). Her parents even prevent her from attending her own brother’s funeral, because they were scared of their communities’ response and didn’t want to
deal with the questions (Ng 261-262).
Elena first starts to sympathize with Mia, but then blames her for making the
wrong choices in her life that are, in her mind, the reason for her precarious economic situation (Ng 275). During their last interaction she even states that Mia stole the Ryan’s child and describes her as amoral (Ng 348). All of the response Mia gets is negative and judgmental, with none of the characters being able to understand or relate to her situation. It is a very common reaction of society and oftentimes court members to judge the surrogate and even blame her for the situation that influenced her decision (Dodds and Jones 14). Dodds and Jones claim that “surrogacy contracts [...] [help to] foster an attitude towards women that sees them, or some group of them, primarily as breeders, and in doing so views them as commodities” (13).
Surrogacy contracts completely disregard that women may change their minds when they are actually pregnant or giving birth, because they formed an attachment to the child. These contracts do not even consider women to be emotional beings, able to form deeper connections and as a result change their mind. The women have to sign the contract before even being pregnant (often for the first time), and by that before having all relevant information to even make such a drastic choice (Dodds and Jones 8-9).
The mentioned attitude towards surrogates is visible when looking at Elena’s reaction. She is not able to sympathize with Mia, ignoring the love Mia supposedly developed for Pearl during her pregnancy, viewing her as a breeding machine and by that dehumanizing her. This dehumanization is typical for the binary concept of motherhood, because it makes it possible to view mothers as machines rather than humans and therefore justifies continuously expecting the impossible. Examining the reaction of her parents, it further becomes obvious that when a woman autonomously exercises her reproductive rights she is instantly condemned by her environment. Especially when she challenges the current societal norm and dares to reject motherhood.
4.2 Custody Battles Between Birthmothers and Adoptive Mothers
As indicated in the analysis of Linda and Bebe, custody battles are highly complex and emotional. Often both mothers are suitable for the job of parenting, making a decision nearly impossible.
However, an important question is raised by the media covering the custody battle in the novel: “Adoptions are about giving new homes to children who don’t have families. But what if the child already has a mother?” (Ng 148). It further raised the question, whether biology or love was the factor that made someone a mother (Ng 297). It can be argued, that in an ideal situation both are factors that enforce the label of motherhood. Concerning the case of May Ling/Mirabelle the situation was, however, not ideal.
Both, Linda and Bebe, were heavily criticized during the trial, both suffered because of the overly simplistic depiction of their aptitude to be mothers and both had supporters as well as opponents (Ng 173). Various common narratives were discussed that can be retraced to the societal expectation of mothers. Firstly, Bebe’s act of leaving her child at a fire station is constantly referred to as her abandoning her child, giving it an inherently negative connotation (Ng 173, 343). According to Claudia Fonseca, society views the relinquishment of a child as something so despicable “[...] that the woman who chooses to do so is practically ejected from the human category” (311). She further argues, that “[...] [birthmothers] are severely stigmatized, with accusations that paint them as incapable of normal human sentiment” (Fonseca 323). Consecutively, this leads to the reactions Bebe experiences during the trial, with her opponents unintentionally denying her the right to act human.
Furthermore, titling it abandonment implies selfishness and neglect by the birthmother, which is not a depiction close to reality. Gardner notes that, “while motherhood is something all cultures encourage women to pursue; [...] women are not always afforded the tools necessary to do so successfully” (204). Meaning, that motherhood, especially single motherhood, is heavily influenced by various socioeconomic factors that oftentimes cannot be changed. Therefore, blaming women for a situation that is out of their control is blatant ignorance.
However, Bebe’s comparably worse social and economic standing narrows her chances in the custody battle even further, because “[...] modern adoption is considered a form of child welfare” (Wegar 80). The McCullough’s are therefore praised by their supporters for having the financial capability to allow May Ling/Mirabelle every opportunity in life (Ng 296).
Nevertheless, the approach to determine the fitness of a mother by examining her financial situation is criticized during the trial by raising the question: “How [do] you weigh a mother’s love against the cost of raising a child” (Ng 295)?
Concluding, that although custody battles are a complex and difficult matter, the approach to determine the “right” mother (or parents) is questionable. As Wegar correctly assesses: “[...] adoption professionals [and family court officials] have been guided by a patriarchal domesticity ideal that defines ‘good mothering’ narrowly” (80). As examined, a narrow, binary definition of motherhood is incorrect and can, in cases like these lead to controversial rulings to the detriment of the birthmother and possibly the child.
4.3 Single and Working Mothers
Another harmful narrative that is presented in the novel is that of single, working mothers. Mia as well as Bebe, experience them on multiple occasions. Elena refers to Pearl as a “[...] fatherless child [....]”, insinuating that for one this is to her disadvantage and for two criticizing Mia for allowing such a thing to happen (Ng 185).
Generally, fatherless has a negative connotation in our patriarchal society. To society single mothers live a “[...] perceived violation of both marital and sexual gender norms, which labels them as deviant” (Judith Worell 5). During the discourseabout Bebe’s aptitude to be a mother, it is argued that the McCullough’s might be better parents, because May Ling/Mirabelle would have a “[...] mother and a father [...]”, suggesting the importance of a “[...] strong male figure in a child’s life” (Ng 297). Worell presents the underlying reason for this broadly accepted assumption by claiming that “[...] the failure of the woman to follow societal expectations for appropriate sex-role behavior is believed to threaten her children’s normal course of development.” (6). In our patriarchal society, the concept of the father being irrelevant to the successful upbringing of a child is considered to be completely absurd, because it violates the normalized presumption that men predominate every role they are assigned to.
Additionally, Bebe dares to be a working mother, disobeying another unspoken rule of our patriarchal society (Ng 297). Rich examined, that the working mother having a bad connotation is a fairly new concept, first being established in the 19th century (44). Historically, mothers “[...] doing their share of necessary productive labor [...]” was as normalized as the opposite is now, proving that normality is a manmade, alterable concept rather than a scientific fact (Rich 44). Today, women are often “[...] regarded as bad mothers when they break [these] traditional views of the good woman in terms of their [...] commitment to the role of wife and mother, or entry into the workforce” (Worell 6).
Bebe and Mia are both confronted with this harmful stigma, Bebe during the custody battle and Mia because of the prioritization of her art.
4.4 Women Challenging Societal Norms
As already addressed, the underlying reason for all of the stigma and judgment women and especially mothers have to face regularly is their perceived violation of normalized, traditional gender roles and societal norms. Mothers like Mia, that dare to stand their ground, to be self-confident, to be self-sufficient and have the audacity not be subservient – in short presenting characteristics typically ascribed to men – challenge these norms that are regulating and oppressing women in every western society.
Because Mia prioritizes her passion (artistry) in her life, she is many times accused of neglecting her child’s needs and being a bad, selfish mother (Ng 185). In “Of Women born” Rich explains that, “institutionalized motherhood demands ofwomen maternal ‘instinct’ rather than intelligence, selflessness rather than self- realization [and] relation to others rather than the creation of self” (42). Wegar further explains that these mothers, that fail “[...] to fulfill social ideals of motherhood [...]” are labelled morally irresponsible, even regarding it as an indicator of their “[...] personal as well as social ineptitude” (78).
Of course, this narrative does not reflect reality. Looking at Mia, we see her working late on her art in their apartment bathroom, while also making sure it was clean and freshly ventilated by the time Pearl had to use it in the morning (Ng 35). It is obvious, that balancing your passion and your responsibilities as a mother is absolutely possible.
Furthermore, it has to be noted that this expectation of “[...] [subordinating] the self [....]” does not extend to fathers (Gardner 205). This additionally proves that the stigma imposed on mothers is inherently sexist and exists in consequence of the patriarchal society we live in.
Recapitulating, these limitations and impossible expectations of mothers stand in direct relation to the binary concept of motherhood. By keeping the term “good” mother as narrowly defined as possible and labelling any deviating behavior as “bad” mothering, the pressure inflicted on mothers to live up to impossibly high standards is immense. As a result, many women and mothers are forced to deny themselves and ignore their personal needs, with society manipulating them into believing this behavior is indispensable for the well-being of their children.
5. Instruments and Strategies Used in Little Fires Everywhere
As previously established, Celeste Ng criticizes the binary concept of motherhood in Little Fires Everywhere, by offering stories of different mothers that do not fit into one of the two categories.
How she voices that criticism and forces the reader to contest the binary system, however, is strategically ingenious: she essentially created three levels in her story. The basis is provided by the mothers Mia and Elena, their actions as mothers, their perceptions of themselves and each other and the perception other characters have about them – all within the concept of the good and bad mother binary.
The second level is the discussion of the binary system within the story among the characters and families of Mia and Elena, by introducing Linda McCullough and Bebe Chow. The custody battle is used as a plot device to cause character development. In the beginning everyone is willing to support who they view as the “good” and “right” mother, but throughout the case the characters increasingly reject the binary concept and start to grasp the complexity of motherhood, slowly viewing it as a spectrum.
The final level is the perception of the reader. By first introducing the protagonists as seemingly unambiguous members of the binary system, the reader ́s world view is validated. However, with increasing depth given to the characters this view is slowly deconstructed. Once the characters in the novel start to reject the binary concept, the reader is made aware of this deconstruction and actively starts to disapprove of it as well. Regarding Bebe Chow, Izzy and Moody Richardson are the first to question the narrow thinking and prejudgment of their family (Ng 176). Lexie Richardson has a change of heart as well after she is able to empathize with Bebe’s difficult decision, due to her own experiences (Ng 308). Mr. Richardson is the last one to realize his error, leaving Elena and Linda to be the only ones who don’t acknowledge their wrongdoings (Ng 343, 349).
However, when it comes to Mia Warren nearly everyone (except Elena Richardson) recognizes their misjudgment of her character, displaying her importance for their personal development. Concerning Elena, this importance is even moreobvious, because although Elena doesn’t reflect on her judgment about Mia, she finally begins to self-reflect on her flaws and realizes her errors in mothering, especially when it comes to her daughter Izzy (Ng 388).
Mia Warren, therefore, serves as a trigger to induce said character development which makes her indispensable to the plot and story. The custody battle is used as another ingenious plot device, reaching its climax with Bebe’s act of abducting her daughter to China. This finally completely deconstructs the binary concept because the reader sympathizes with a seemingly bad and unlawful action of a mother. By introducing Mia and choosing to incorporate the custody battle in all its messy complexity, Celeste Ng not only manages to induce character development of her own protagonists, but also provokes the reader to question their own internalized belief system of the good and bad mother binary system.
6. Conclusion
It has become evident, that the good and bad mother binary has to be rejected as false because it is blatantly disregarding the complexity of human nature, while furthermore constantly dehumanizing mothers. Additionally, it has been established that by bringing together these vastly disparate characters and forcing them to interact with each other, while also forcing a public discourse and by that unveiling their differences, Celeste Ng manages to disprove the binary concept of motherhood.
Therefore, the novel serves as a great deconstruction of our current widely accepted and normalized view of motherhood and womanhood, possibly making it one of the most important novels of the postmodern era.
Additionally, it may inspire a new, more accurate understanding of motherhood or perhaps even allow for a complete obliteration of manmade labels and stigmas; finally enabling all women and mothers to achieve self-realization and by that true freedom.
7. Works Cited
Primary Source
Ng, Celeste. Little Fires Everywhere. London: Abacus, 2018.
Secondary Sources
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